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The Thimble Game, or How Bank RBK Became the Bank of the Nazarbayev Family. Idrisov dinmukhamet appazovich Ordinary voting shares of non-ordinary shareholders

Idrisov Dinmukhamet Appazovich- owner of Alma-TV.

Biography

In 1989 he was educated at the Alma-Ata branch of the Ust-Kamenogorsk Construction and Road Institute (1989).

In 1999 he graduated from the Kazakh state academy management.

In 2002, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Research Institute building materials. Doctor of Technical Sciences.

In 2006 he became an academician of the Engineering Academy of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

From 1989 to 1990 he worked as a foreman of the ZhEU-1 of the Minavtodor of the KazSSR.

From 1989 to 1996 he worked as a teacher at the Almaty Road Institute.

In 1990 he worked as a senior laboratory assistant at the Ust-Kamenogorsk Road Construction Institute.

From 1991 to 1996 he worked as an assistant at the Almaty Road Institute.

From 1996 to 1997 he worked as the director of Karaspan LLP.

In 1997, he became the founder and president of Alma-Oil LLP, Ordabasy LLP.

From 2000 to 2002 he worked as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of Ordabasy LLP.

In 2002 and until 2005, he worked as the president of Ordabasy Corporation JSC.

Since 2005, he worked as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of Kazakhstan Utility Systems JSC.

Since 2005, he worked as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of Ordabasy Corporation JSC.

From 2005 to 2006 he worked as the President of Ordabasy Corporation JSC.

Managing Director of JSC National Company "Kazakhstan Temir Zholy".

Since 2006, he has been working as the Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Ordabasy Corporation.

Other positions

  • Chairman of the Board of Directors of Nauryz Bank of Kazakhstan OJSC (03.2001-02.2003);
  • Member of the Board of Directors of OAO Neftebank (05.2001-06.2003);
  • Member of the Board of Directors of Aktobe Plant JSC oil equipment"(since 06.2004);
  • Member of the Coordinating Council (since 03.2005);
  • Member of the Council of Entrepreneurs under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (04.2005-05.2006, 04.2007-05.2010);
  • Member of the Board of the National Economic Chamber “Union “Atameken” (since 06.2007);
  • Member of the Board of Directors of JSC National Company SEC Ontustik (since 01.2008);
  • Member of the Board of Directors of Amanat Insurance Insurance Company JSC (Minutes No. 406 dated 06.08.2009-2012);
  • Chairman of the Board of Directors of JSC IC Amanat Insurance (since 02.2012);
  • Chairman of the Board of Directors of the company "Kazakhstan utility networks"

Family

Wife of Idrisov (Nurlakova) Magda Kamalovna Children:

  • sons
    • Zharmukhamed (born 1994),
    • Kamal (born 2004);
  • daughters
    • Madina (born 1996)
    • Alina (born 1999)
    • Louise (born 2001)

Assets

According to Forbes, as of October 30, 205, Dinmukhamet Idrisov is ranked fourth in the ranking of the 50 richest people in the Republic of Kazakhstan (May 2015)

The businessman's fortune is $506,000,000.

Dinmukhamet Idrisov owns:

  • 100% Alma-TV LLP,
  • 9.9% Bank RBK JSC,
  • 9.9% of Qazaq Banki JSC,
  • 100% JSC "Insurance company Amanat Insurance",
  • 29.9% JSC Aktobe Oil Equipment Plant,
  • 100% polymetallic JSC "Ai Karaaul",
  • 44% Ansagan Petroleum LLP,
  • 100% KKS LLP.
  • Member of the project "Mom's House".

One of the persistent demands of Kazakhstani society after the tragic murder of the famous figure skater, Olympic champion Denis Ten was the reform of the law enforcement system, as well as the resignation of the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Almaty Department of Internal Affairs. Moreover, most often, the widely publicized experience of Georgia is cited as a guideline for reforms, which can be represented in a simplified form in the following scheme: dismiss the current composition of law enforcement agencies - and recruit a new one.

Is this possible in Kazakhstani realities, where law enforcement agencies are closely intertwined with the political, managerial and business elite of the country?

We collected information about the existence of family and kinship ties between the political and business establishment and representatives of law enforcement agencies - the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Prosecutor's Office, the Ministry of Defense, the Agency for Civil Service Affairs and Anti-Corruption, as well as customs and the State Revenue Committee (structures traditionally ranked in Kazakhstan as power structures) and courts (as part of the law enforcement system, again according to Kazakhstani realities) to demonstrate the degree of interconnectedness and interdependence of the country's administrative elite.

Influential relative in Astana

In addition to the fact that many heads of law enforcement agencies are representatives of the dynasties of the security forces, many of them also have influential relatives in Astana.

Thus, the first deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Zhambyl region, police colonel Kutbayev Berik, is the son-in-law of the Prosecutor General of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Kairat Kozhamzharov. Berik Mederbekovich is married to Daria Kozhamzharova, the sister of a prominent Kazakh security official. Daria Perneshovna herself leads the Taraz State Pedagogical Institute.

Another native of the Zhambyl region, Prime Minister Bakytzhan Sagintaev also has relatives who serve in law enforcement agencies. The brother of the head of the Cabinet of Ministers, Kystaubay Sagintayev, in the past headed the migration police department of the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Zhambyl region, and was also the administrator of the courts of the Zhambyl region. Since 2015, he has been the head of the Zhambyl regional branch Real Estate Center of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

Murat Baimukhanbetov, the former head of the customs control department for Almaty and the Almaty region, is the matchmaker of the head of the presidential administration, Adilbek Dzhaksybekov. The daughter of Murat Almuratovich Zhanna Zhaksybek is married to Dauren Zhaksybek, the son of an influential Kazakh statesman.

The brother of the Ambassador of the Republic of Kazakhstan to Russia, Imangali Tasmagambetov, Kurmangali Tasmagambetov also works in law enforcement - from 2002 to 2014 he headed the customs of Atyrau and Aktobe regions. At the moment, Kurmangali Nurgalievich holds the position of Deputy Head of the Department of State Revenues in the Mangistau region.

Minister community development Darkhan Kaletaeva also has relatives in law enforcement agencies. His brother, police colonel Zhanbolat Kaletaev, is the deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the East Kazakhstan region.

Murat Bakhytovich, the first deputy prosecutor of the city of Astana, Mukhambetkazy, is the nephew of Marat Tazhin, the first deputy head of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

Political support for the leaders of law enforcement agencies is provided not only by the Astana establishment, but also by the regional elite.

For example, Mirlan Mukhambetov, the head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau for the Aktobe region, is the brother of the akim of the Kostanay region, Archimedes Mukhambetov.

Berik Bilyalov, the head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the North Kazakhstan region (formerly the head of the Criminal Police Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan), is the brother of the former akim of the same region, now a Senate deputy from the North Kazakhstan region, Serik Bilyalov.

Did this relationship play a role in the appointment of Berik Sultangazievich as the head of the regional internal affairs bodies, or is it a matter of his personal qualities and professional competencies, as is the case with other representatives of law enforcement agencies who have influential relatives, a question that we are not trying to resolve within the framework of this material , just as we do not try to give these facts a moral assessment. It is another matter that they well illustrate the degree of interpenetration and integration of the political elite and the power elite.

Forbes lists & law enforcement officers

Finally, representatives of the business elite, including regulars in the ratings of the country's richest people compiled by Kazakhstani Forbes, do not shy away from family ties with the security forces.

For example, the prosecutor of the Zhambyl region, Ibragim Imanov, is the son-in-law of a prominent businessman, Dinmukhamet Idrisov, who, according to the Kazakh Forbes, ranks 23rd in the ranking of the 50 richest businessmen in Kazakhstan and 19th in the top 50 most influential businessmen.

Ibragim Alzhanovich is married to the sister of Dinmukhamet Appazovich Raushan Idrisova. Prior to his appointment as the prosecutor of the Zhambyl region, Imanov headed the supervisory authority of the South Kazakhstan region for five years.

According to the Kazakh Forbes, Dinmukhamet Idrisov owns a controlling stake in Ordabasy Management Company and Kazakhstan Utility Systems, the country's largest energy company, represented in Turkestan (formerly South Kazakhstan), Karaganda, Mangistau and East Kazakhstan regions.

In addition, the businessman owns Akniet Pharmaceuticals LLP, Amanat Insurance Insurance Company, shares in KazAzot LLP, Ansagan Petroleum JSC, Aktobe Oil Equipment Plant JSC. Finally, the businessman owns a stake in Qazaq banki.

Another well-known businessman Serikzhan Seitzhanov, who was ranked 18th in the ranking of the 50 most influential businessmen in 2017 by Forbes Kazakhstani, has family ties with the leadership of law enforcement agencies. Seitzhanov's son-in-law is the previously mentioned head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Zhambyl region, Arman Orazaliev. His father, Moldiyar Orazaliev, held senior positions in the internal affairs system in the 2000s.

According to Forbes, Seitzhanov and his family own the FTP Ontustik (SOUTH Oil LLP, Smart-Oil, North Oil), as well as the Rixos Khadisha Shymkent hotel.

No less prominent businessman is the brother of the head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the West Kazakhstan region, Makhsudkhan Ablazimov, Bakharidin Ablazimov. Maskhudkhan Nugmanovich has been holding leading positions in the system of internal affairs for almost twenty years - in particular, he headed the traffic police and the Department of Internal Affairs of the Mangistau and Aktobe regions, and headed the apparatus of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Bakharidin Ablazimov, according to the Kazakh Forbes, is included in the ranking of the 50 richest businessmen in Kazakhstan in 2018 (32nd place) and in the top 50 most influential businessmen in 2017 (36th position). His fortune is estimated at 167 million dollars.

According to Forbes, in partnership with Timur Kulibayev, Dinmukhamet Idrisov and other businessmen, Ablazimov owns KazAzot LLP. By the way, this enterprise is located in the Mangistau region, the internal affairs bodies of which were headed by his brother for eight years (from 2001 to 2009). Baharidin Nugmanovich also has shares in Ansagan Petroleum LLP, Maten Petroleum JSC, TriasMunayGas LLP and Petro Chemical Company LLP.

Finally, the inhabitants of the top lines of the Kazakh Forbes have family ties in law enforcement agencies.

The brother of the richest and most influential Kazakh businessman Timur Kulibayev (the second position in the Forbes ranking of the richest people in Kazakhstan) - Talgat Kulibayev - has been heading the Almaty Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs since 2010. Previously, Talgat Askarovich headed the department of internal affairs of Almaty and Zhambyl regions.

The nephew of the Kazakhstani billionaire, businessman and former manager of the president Bulat Utemuratov (No. 4 in the 50 richest businessmen of Kazakhstan according to Forbes), junior justice adviser Saken Utemuratov works as the prosecutor of the Zhetysu district of Almaty. The father of Saken Utemuratov, the late Utemuratov Mazhit Jamitovich, an honorary worker of education of the Republic of Kazakhstan, headed the Kyzylorda Agrarian and Technical College named after I. Abdukarimov.

Thus, answering the question posed at the beginning of the article: “Is it possible in Kazakhstan to reform law enforcement agencies in the format of lustration” - two significant points can be noted:

The degree of integration of the Kazakh elite, its various blocs - political, economic, power - is quite high. Obviously, family ties serve as the glue that holds the parts together and perhaps stabilizes the system as a whole. In this regard, a radical reboot of the law enforcement system without similar processes in the political and business elite looks unlikely.

The leaders of law enforcement agencies, who are often appointed by public opinion as the main culprits of tragic incidents (as in the case of Denis Ten) and the crisis of the law enforcement system as a whole, are to a certain extent limited in maneuvers - for example, in resolving personnel issues in their own department, since they are forced to balance between interests various elite groups.

The presidential elections held on April 26, 2015 in Kazakhstan can be safely called the most boring and predictable. Nursultan Nazarbayev won 95.22%, Turgun Syzdykov - 1.6%, and self-nominated Abelgazi Kusainov - 0.7% of the vote. However, Kazakh political scientists did not expect anything extraordinary from.

But the upcoming electoral campaign for parliamentary elections promises to be very interesting. A notable article titled “The Battle for Kazakhstan Begins” was recently published in ADAM magazine, arguing that “the parliamentary campaign will have far-reaching consequences both in foreign policy country, and in the architecture of Kazakhstani power. Also in the article we are talking about the fact that in the depths of power the creation of a party of the liberal bourgeoisie and a party of national patriots is being prepared.

According to available information, in Kazakhstan, indeed, work is underway to create a pro-Western liberal-democratic party. A group of experts headed by political scientist Denis Krivosheev is working on the program and platform of the party. Most likely, the ideology of the new party will be based on the principles of an open economy, bringing it out of the shadows, tax reforms, opposition to the "economic expansion of the Kremlin", including against the idea of ​​a single currency in the space of the Eurasian Economic Union. In fact, we are talking about creating a party for economic bargaining with Moscow.

Presumably, this party project is supervised by Rakhim Oshakbaev, a man from the entourage of Timur Kulibaev, chairman of the presidium of the National Chamber of Entrepreneurs. Previously, experts and political scientists have repeatedly stated that the role of a “counterweight” in interaction with Russia, with which Kazakhstan is in the same Eurasian team, was entrusted to the Akzhol party headed by Azat Peruashev, but he failed to cope with this task. It is believed that the new project will be implemented on the basis of the Party of Patriots of Kazakhstan (headed by Gani Gasimov), which will give the party an opportunity to strengthen its financial base and gain a seat in parliament.

In addition, there is an active reorientation of the ideological platform of the Birlik (Unity) party towards national democracy. This project is also supervised by some high-ranking officials who have "moves and exits" in Akorda. Until recently, the project of the Birlik party was patronized by the same T. Kulibayev, and, most likely, he gave way to his head of the presidential administration of Kazakhstan, Nurlan Nigmatulin. The closed working group that develops the party’s program and election platform was headed by the failed presidential candidate, the radical nationalist Zharylkap Kalybai, who had already made a statement at a press conference about the need to register a national democratic party, the main goal of which would allegedly be “cooperation with the authorities” .

Most likely, such a party will choose the style of oppositional political behavior towards those who adhere to the pro-Russian economic policy N. Nazarbayev and the government. In essence, the project is designed to unite nationalist-minded elites and citizens in order to intensify a public campaign on the issue of Kazakhstan's withdrawal from the EAEU. By the way, earlier national patriots have repeatedly held all kinds of anti-Eurasian actions and flash mobs. Despite the fact that the EAEU is an economic and not a political association of states, national patriots are actively broadcasting an ideologeme about “threats” from the Eurasian integration to the state sovereignty of Kazakhstan.

Thus, the national-democratic Birlik will become the second pro-Western party. Naturally, such a project was approved by the new US Ambassador to Kazakhstan, George Krol, who, by the way, has already won the sympathy of Kazakh nationalists with his frequent appearances in the media in the Kazakh language. Knowing all the subtleties of political PR and demagogy, the ambassador even sometimes appears in public in Kazakh national clothes, confesses his love for national cuisine, which, of course, contributes to its popularity in the Kazakh-speaking environment.


« I am a big supporter of shubat and koumiss… Besbarmak is very tasty”… N a that only American diplomats led by Ambassador J. Krol do not go to gain influence on the people of Kazakhstan

An analysis of these complex configurations is impossible without answering the question: were all these maneuvers undertaken with the approval of the head of state, or are they Nigmatulin's personal initiative? Recently, the head of the presidential administration has seriously strengthened, having become close and practically intermarried with the influential Kazakh oligarch Dinmukhamed Idrisov. Nigmatulin and Idrisov have solid shares in Qazaq bank and RBK bank, and Nigmatulin's youngest son is going to marry the daughter of this oligarch. Recently, the son of the head of the presidential administration of Kazakhstan visited the United States to visit his fiancee, who is a student at one of the prestigious American universities.

As is known, D. Idrisov is closely connected with the group of Kairat Satybaldy (he has a reputation as the leader of the Islamists of Kazakhstan) and Kairat Sharipbaev (the common-law husband of Nazarbayev's eldest daughter Dariga), as well as other people from the large financial and industrial group Ordabasy. By the way, K. Sharipbaev, who currently heads the National Company KazTransGas JSC, has a long history of confrontation with T. Kulibaev.

After the presidential elections, N. Nigmatulin for the second time gets all the laurels of a successful organizer who has achieved another triumph of N. Nazarbayev and therefore is confident in his position. In the near future again elected president will carry out the final castling of key positions in power. This should happen before the transit of power and the constitutional reform, the essence of which will be the formation of an effective mechanism of checks and balances between various financial and industrial groupings in the country.

The figure of the aggressive and uncompromising Nigmatulin is not entirely suitable as the head of the presidential administration as the main conductor of a painless transit of supreme power. Political scientists on the sidelines say that he does not have the qualities of a political diplomat and mediator of intra-elite confrontations, always acting tough and assertive. He showed these qualities in a conflict with the mayor of Astana Imangali Tasmagambetov, as well as in neutralizing the young leader of the presidential party "Nur Otan" Bauyrzhan Baibek.

It is quite possible that N. Nazarbayev's table has already been given a portion of compromising information on Nigmatulin. Based on this, it follows that his resignation is quite likely, and in his place the head of state can return the subtle and compromise Karim Massimov, who now holds the post of prime minister.

In this case, Nigmatulin will count on the post of prime minister or, at worst, sit tight in the chair of Almaty akim. The premier position and kinship with Idrisov would have made the Nigmatulin clan mega-influential. In this case, he becomes an uncontrollable political figure, backed by serious financial and industrial circles.


Nurlan Nigmatulin only in April last year became the head of the presidential administration of Kazakhstan, however, he may soon change his job

As for Akim of Almaty Akhmetzhan Yessimov, during his tenure as the mayor of the southern capital, he gained tremendous influence and formed a loyal pool of businessmen around him. Now A. Yessimov is a fairly independent figure and represents the interests of a large oligarchy headed by his son-in-law Galymzhan Yessenov. Yesimov's group has powerful resources and, despite his kinship with the president, he can act separately from the family clan at any time. The financial cushion made Yesimov an absolutely independent player in the political field of the country. Rumor has it that during the transition period at that time, the ex-mayor of Almaty will already take the position of head of the Senate and become a politician who determines the direction of the vectors of national policy.

Such a multi-move will mean a trend towards the formation of foreign policy immunity to the Kremlin's policy and a decrease in the importance of Eurasian initiatives for the country. Do its initiators understand that such reconfigurations are likely to cause socio-political destabilization, a split in society along linguistic and national lines, and Kazakhstan's entry into a period of turbulence?

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Photo - http://i-news.kz/news/2015/03/15/7955927-posol_ssha_v_kazahstane_dzhordzh_krol_pr.html

On May 8, at the request of Astana, a well-known Kazakh businessman Zhomart Yertayev was detained in Moscow. However, it can be a stretch to call him Kazakh now - Yertayev has already renounced the citizenship of the Republic of Kazakhstan and is asking the Russian authorities to provide him with protection on the territory of Russia. The reason for such a radical step is as follows: the businessman is justifiably afraid that if he is handed over to Kazakh law enforcement officers, the only thing that awaits him is persecution and death in prison. Alive Yertaev in his former homeland, it seems, no one needs.

Zhomart Yertaev was detained near the Moscow City complex. As stated, the basis for this allegedly was an Interpol search warrant filed with the international bureau by the General Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan. In accordance with interstate agreements, the Russian security forces brought the businessman to the court, which determined him a measure of restraint in the form of being at home under the supervision of an inspector. Further, according to the current regulations, Yertaev can be extradited from Russia to Kazakhstan - this is what the country's Prosecutor General's Office insists on, which accuses the businessman of committing fraud.

It seems that there is nothing remarkable for the attention of the Russians - the claims of the Kazakh authorities to Yertaev relate exclusively to local realities. Firstly, the businessman is in Russia on the basis of a residence permit and has already begun the procedure for obtaining a Russian passport. But the connection with our country is not only on paper, Yertayev has long been implementing all possible steps to establish real cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia. Moreover, upon closer examination of the essence of the case, one cannot help but get the impression that the true goal of the persecution of the businessman lies not at all in the desire of the Kazakhstani security forces to help the law prevail. And Russian law enforcement officers and the court in this case, it seems, are trying to use only as a tool in a business dispute where hundreds of millions of dollars are at stake.

An old dislike and a fresh deal

There are many reasons to believe so. Commenting on the detention of Yertaev, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan emphasized that the entrepreneur had been hiding for a long time, and therefore was on the international wanted list through Interpol. However, already during the paperwork at the Presnensky District Department of Internal Affairs, it turned out that Russian law enforcement officers had not previously had information about Yertaev being included in the lists of wanted persons in Russia. His name is also missing from the Interpol database. Everyone can be convinced of this: the Interpol.int website lists the names of 25 criminals put on the wanted list by Kazakhstan, Yertaev is not among them. It is worth adding that at the end of March Ertaev flew freely on business trips from Russia to Europe - if his name was on the Interpol stop list, he would simply not be able to cross the border. Moreover, earlier he also freely entered Kazakhstan, and the local border guards did not have any questions for him. Thus, it can be assumed that the request of the Kazakh security officials to their Russian colleagues about the detention of Yertaev appeared just the other day. Why then sound crafty, read - false, statements that he was hiding for a long time and had to be searched all over the world?

No less contradictory, in fact, is another statement of the Kazakh Ministry of Internal Affairs. “Ertaev, being an adviser to the chairman of the board of directors of Bank RBK JSC, lobbied for a bank loan for a shell LLP in the amount of more than $80 million, and also carried out actions with the aim of not returning the borrowed funds,” the law enforcement agency said in an official statement. But the paradox of the situation is that in the criminal codes of Russia and Kazakhstan there is no such crime as "lobbying" at all. Moreover, Yertaev himself never worked at Bank RBK, was not listed on its staff, did not receive a salary there, and was not among the shareholders of the bank. Accordingly, he could in no way influence the procedures for issuing loans, since he did not have such an opportunity.

Well, we can assume that the Kazakhstani law enforcement officers simply misspoke. However, this was not a private conversation, but an official statement by a state body, in which each letter is usually verified. The same question arises again: for what reason are the security forces of a neighboring state misleading? Why was all this casting a shadow on the wattle fence?

This statement seemed especially strange to us when we found out that the company that received these funds exists peacefully in Kazakhstan and the repayment period for this loan has not yet come, and most importantly, does not belong to Yertaev. Lawyers are perplexed - why are claims not addressed to the company and its directors, but are looking for someone in Russia?

Enemies with abilities

Probably, in order to get an answer to this question, you need to know who Ertaev is.

In the past, being a well-known banker in Kazakhstan, until 2017 he headed Alma TV JSC, the largest cable television operator in the country, which also provides IP-telephony and Internet services. Ertaev's informal partner for a long time was Dinmukhamed Idrisov, one of the richest Kazakh entrepreneurs who owns a stake in Bank RBK. Big money is always combined with big opportunities, but in this case, Idrisov, perhaps, could be safely called an oligarch - for example, the Ural: Facts and Comments agency wrote that Idrisov has close ties with the highest political circles. “JSC Alma TV, which is now being… pressured to take away from its current owners, has never been a borrower in Bank RBK. A completely fabricated case against me and further detention is only part of the unprecedented pressure that is being exerted on me and our partners - the current owners of the company, ”says Yertaev in a statement broadcast by him to the media. The final interest in the scheme may be Dinmukhamed Idrisov. Zhomart Ertaev directly expresses the opinion that, it seems, “the mentioned loan was received by a company controlled by Dinmukhamed Idrisov, Ordabasy Communications, and later this money was transferred to his personal accounts.” Claims of Bank RBK subsidiary DSFC LLP reach up to 300 million dollars! “The absurdity of this amount indicates that there are persons interested in hiding real facts about the problems of this bank,” the businessman writes.

Such actions could be explained only from the position that someone really needs to hang their own offenses on someone else. It seems that they want to eliminate Yertaev so that he cannot prove his innocence. How they wanted to silence Yertaev - by putting him in a Kazakh prison or by more terrible methods - fortunately, it is not yet known. The businessman managed to stay in Russia for the time being.

The informburo.kz portal tried to contact the Ordabasy Group, but they refused to comment on Yertaev's words. Although, it would seem, why not tell how it really happened? Therefore, the very dashing 90s come to mind by themselves with their raider seizures of assets, financial lawlessness and the involvement of law enforcement officers by unscrupulous businessmen to solve their own problems. Russia, fortunately, has been ill with this. Kazakhstan, it seems, is not.

You will be extreme

It is noteworthy that in Kazakhstan itself, not everyone believes in the accusations of the security forces against Yertaev. The Fergana news agency cites the opinion of political scientist Dosym Satpayev, who believes that the case of Zhomart Yertayev is shrouded in a halo of intrigue. “The political scientist believes that in the circles of the Kazakhstani political and business elite, for several years now, there has been a powerful redistribution of property in various segments, including the financial market,” the agency reports. The political scientist explains the questionable zeal of the security forces: “Over the past six months, many statements have been heard from the mouth of the President of Kazakhstan that the National Bank and law enforcement agencies should severely punish the owners and shareholders of banks that have dealt a blow to the financial stability of the country. It is clear that when the president demands someone's head, they immediately start looking for a scapegoat. And Zhomart Yertaev was appointed as a switchman.”

Is now the time to look into the reasons? So far, another point seems to be more important - Kazakhstan continues to insist on the extradition of Yertaev, who, meanwhile, has already announced his withdrawal from the citizenship of the republic and asked to be granted asylum in Russia. Yertaev says bluntly that moving to a prison in his former homeland could be fatal for him. Given all the above about his opponents and their vast capabilities, this option cannot be discounted. As a result, Russia is at risk of remaining in this ugly story, which will certainly not fail to be blamed for assisting in the persecution of a businessman. The Kazakh authorities will certainly find a way to get away with it: they say, the East is a delicate matter. The third and most important question arises - do we have to endure this?

P.S. The editors will follow developments.

In the center of Moscow, employees of the capital's criminal investigation department, together with fighters of the Russian Guard, detained the Kazakh banker Zhomart Yertaev, a source in the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Moscow told RBC.

“The Kazakh banker was on the wanted list and was detained near Moscow City,” the source said. According to him, the entrepreneur was arrested when he left a meeting in a business center in a Gelandwagen. Ertaev is suspected of fraud.

[Tengrinews.kz, 05/10/2018, "The reasons for the detention of Zhomart Yertayev in Moscow were named in the Ministry of Internal Affairs" : The reasons for the detention of the Kazakh banker and businessman Zhomart Yertayev were named in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Kazakhstan, Tengrinews.kz reports with reference to the press service of the department. It is reported that in Moscow, at the request of the National Central Bureau of Interpol of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Kazakhstan, a citizen of the Republic of Kazakhstan Yertaev Zhomart, who was on the international wanted list for fraud on an especially large scale, was detained.
"He, as an adviser to the chairman of the board of directors, lobbied for a bank loan for a shell LLP in the amount of more than $ 80 million, and also carried out actions with the aim of not returning the borrowed funds," the ministry commented.
The issue of extradition of the detainee to Kazakhstan is being decided. [...] Earlier it was reported that along with Yertaev, his subordinate, the former executive director of Troika-D-Bank Andrei Tretyakov, was detained, but later Tretyakov refuted this information. - Inset K.ru]

The REN TV channel also reported on the banker's detention. The report says that Yertaev "has been trying to detain for a long time, but could not establish his whereabouts." The detainee, according to the TV channel, manages a large cable TV operator, he also "advised a commercial bank." REN TV also reported that his detention was related to crimes committed several years ago while working at Alliance Bank.

Ertaev was Chairman of the Board of Alliance Bank in 2002-2007. In August 2009, law enforcement agencies in Kazakhstan charged him with embezzlement of $1.1 billion, according to the authorities, they were committed when Yertaev was in charge of this bank. The banker was arrested, but nine months later he was released, the Kazakh version of Forbes wrote. The accusation was later reclassified, Ertaev pleaded not guilty.

In April 2018, Qazaq Banki reported a deterioration in financial performance and attributed this to “poor-quality loans” that were issued in 2013-2016, when Yertayev was also in charge of it. On April 19, the businessman stated that he was not a member of the board of this bank and was not its shareholder. He also said that he has not been working in Kazakhstan for three years and he has no business projects in his homeland.

Yertaev is the chairman of the board of directors of Troika D-Bank (works under the ALMA Bank brand). He is the honorary president of the Alma Group holding. The holding is located in Moscow City, it is engaged in asset management, according to the company's website.

[Lenta.Ru, 05/08/2018, "Investigators and special forces detained millionaire Yertaev near Moscow City": At the same time, as a source in law enforcement agencies told Lente.ru, Zhomart Yertayev was put on the wanted list by law enforcement agencies of one of former republics of the USSR, and detained at the request of this country. Indeed, in 2014, the Prosecutor's Office of Kazakhstan stated that Yertaev was put on the international wanted list, but at present the information has been removed from the website of the Kazakh supervisory authority.
In May 2017, Zhomart Ertaev and a structure affiliated with him acquired a controlling stake in Troika-D Bank JSC, and the transaction was approved by the Central Bank of the Russian Federation. If the buyer had been wanted, the purchase would not have taken place. - Inset K.ru]

How the Alma-TV deal tied Nazarbayev's daughter Dariga with Zhomart Ertayev

The original of this material
© kz.expert, 01/11/2018, Photo: AFP, zpravda.kz, Forbes.kz

New names in Bank RBK case

[...] Bank RBK delighted its clients, depositors and the market with the announcement of the transfer of doubtful assets totaling 603 billion tenge to Special Financial Company DSFK (DSFC) LLP. This structure, according to an agreement concluded between Bank RBK, the government, the National Bank and the Kazakhmys group of companies, or rather its co-owner Vladimir Kim, will deal with the return of "bad" loans.

Judging by the press releases, the affairs of the financial institution are getting better. As of December 29, 2017 Vladimir Kim has already capitalized the bank by 125 billion tenge. In addition, Bank RBK expects in early January 2018 the third tranche of a subordinated loan from the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the amount of 60 billion tenge in addition to the previously received 150 billion. In total, within the framework of the state program, he is entitled to 243.7 billion tenge.

As a result of the joint efforts of the shareholder and the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the liquid assets of Bank RBK should soon reach 180 billion tenge. It is expected that the current liquidity ratio of the financial institution (K4) will be about 4.0-4.5, which is more than ten times higher than the standard set by the regulator. Thus, there is no doubt that Bank RBK has been saved and will not experience current liquidity problems in the coming year.

At the same time, the instructions "leader of the nation" on this topic, the government and the National Bank will not fully fulfill. Recall that at the expanded meeting of the Political Council of the Nur Otan NPD on November 3, 2017, Nursultan Nazarbayev instructed his subordinates not only to stabilize the work of Bank RBK, but to put thieves where they should sit. It is with the latter that it seems that nothing will come of it.

We have already noted the complexity of the situation in which Prime Minister Bakytzhan Sagintayev and National Bank Chairman Daniyara Akishev found themselves. The latter, in his pre-New Year's interview to the Delovoy Kazakhstan newspaper, even lamented that the authorities had to choose: “not between good and very good, but between bad and very bad. But you have to choose, because inaction is even worse.”

Finding herself in a hopeless situation for herself, Akorda decided to save Bank RBK at all costs and saved it. Kazakhs here should be pleased at least that this time the state managed to involve billionaire Vladimir Kim in the "rescue" operation and thereby significantly reduce its costs. But that was where the government's successes ended. According to insiders, negotiations between authorized persons and two key figures who contributed to Bank RBK's problems, namely Zhomart Ertaev and Dinmukhamed Idrisov, have so far been fruitless.

Dinmukhamet Idrisov
This is largely due to the fact that the hands of representatives of the state and the new management of Bank RBK are “tied”. After all, the publication of a list of business projects financed by the bank and schemes for withdrawing money can provoke a serious internal political scandal and endanger an important figure in Akorda - the eldest daughter of the president Dariga Nazarbayev.

It was Dariga Nursultanovna who in 2014 sold Dinmukhamed Idrisov a 100% stake in the authorized capital of Alma-TV LLP. The deal was closed on May 16, 2014. Its amount was not named in the press, but according to our information it amounted to 250 million dollars, received in turn by various schemes from Bank RBK. And the financing of the Alma Group business, of which Alma-TV LLP became a part, did not end there at the expense of Bank RBK money.

The head of Alma Group in the rank of honorary president is Zhomart Ertaev. Earlier in 2014 - 2016, he headed Alma-TV LLP (since February 2017 renamed AlmaTel Kazakhstan JSC), and in September 2016 he became chairman of the board of directors of Alma Group LLC and honorary president of the company.

According to Russian business publications, Alma Group includes Kazakhstani Alma-TV, Russian Tsifra Odin, 2KOM, House Network Technologies +, Saratov Digital Telephone Network. More on this topic in the Forbes article. We find it difficult to estimate the total amount of Alma Group's investments in Kazakhstan and Russia, but, according to estimates in the press, the purchase of Tsifra One alone cost the investor from 1.7 to 2 billion rubles.

In addition, Zhomart Ertaev became the controlling shareholder of two Russian banks in 2017. So, in the spring, he acquired a 5% stake in Troika-D Bank JSC from 3D Distribution Limited (Cyprus). And as a result of two transactions, another 95% of the shares came under the control of the closed-end mutual investment fund (ZPIF) Eurasia Investments (managed by CJSC Management Company NIK Development). Their beneficial owner is Yertaev, who headed the bank as chairman of the board of directors. In turn, Troika-D Bank JSC has been a shareholder of Vokbank JSC since 2015 (full name is Volgo-Oksky Commercial Bank JSC) with a 99.99% share in the authorized capital.

According to insiders, money flowed from Bank RBK in this direction, and in a very large volume. But since there are suspicions that it was Dariga Nazarbayeva who helped Dinmukhamed Idrisov and Zhomart Yestayev get large loans from the bank, the negotiators from Kazakhstan in Moscow cannot act too harshly, without looking back, otherwise the criminal case would have already been initiated, and Yertayev himself was declared on the international wanted list.

Dariga Nazarbayeva had opportunities to help with loans.

She could influence the management of Bank RBK both herself, as the head of the non-profit Fund of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan - Elbasy, whose subsidiary LLP Directorate for Property Management Fund-Invest was a shareholder of RBK, and through her current spouse Kairat Sharipbaev, who was also an influential shareholder of a financial institution.

Ordinary voting shares of non-ordinary shareholders

Billionaire Vladimir Kim, Nazarbayev's brother Bolat and representatives of other clans in the history of Bank RBK

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© kz.expert , 13.11.2017, RBK: behind the scenes of the processes, Photo: dialog.kz , MIA "Kazinform", Illustration: via kz.expert [...] voting shares of Bank RBK over the past four years were:

Since minority shareholders could not plunder in any way cash Bank RBK, then the culprit of the fact that the latter was in a critical financial situation and without massive state support would instantly go bankrupt is one of the above individuals and (or) legal entities.

By the way, among the latter there are people and structures that are very close to Nursultan Nazarbayev. This is, firstly, LLP “Directorate for Property Management “Fond-Invest”, controlled by the non-profit “Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan - Elbasy”, headed by Dariga Nazarbayeva. Secondly, Sharipbaev Kairat Kamataevich, the current husband of the president's eldest daughter. Thirdly, Nazarbayev Bolat Abishevich, brother of the “leader of the nation”.

Kairat Sharipbaev
Meanwhile, Akorda, through the hands of the government of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan, for some reason partially shifted the material responsibility for the critical financial situation of Bank RBK to Kim Vladimir Sergeevich, a billionaire in Forbes-Kazakhstan list and co-owner of the largest Kazakhstani copper mining enterprises. It was the Kazakhmys Corporation LLP controlled by him that undertook to invest 160 billion tenge in saving Bank RBK.

The reasons why such a decision was made (and obviously by Nursultan Nazarbayev himself, otherwise Kim would have challenged it) and the latter agreed to such large expenses are still a mystery shrouded in darkness. And if there is no leakage of information, the state is unlikely to share this secret with the public and the market.

As for the current shareholders of Bank RBK, both majority and minority, the board of directors proposed to them to buy out an additional issue of ordinary voting shares for a total of 70 billion tenge.

Thus, the estimated total financial support of Bank RBK will be 474 billion tenge, of which 160 billion tenge should be contributed by Kazakhmys Corporation LLP, 70 billion - by the bank's shareholders, 244 billion tenge - by the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

Is Vladimir Kim the culprit of the disastrous financial situation of Bank RBK? We cannot say this for sure. On the one hand, from November 4, 2014 to September 14, 2017, it was headed by Igor Mazhinov, who is said to be Vladimir Kim's son-in-law. And since the theft of funds could not take place without the participation of the chairman of the board of the bank, we assume that the older relative had to answer for the younger one.

However, another option is also possible. Until the fall of 2014, Bank RBK was under the control of Nursultan Nazarbayev's family members, who may have been actively lending to him, and after this became a problem, they transferred this financial institution to the disposal of Vladimir Kim, who lobbied for the appointment of his son-in-law as chairman of the board. Well, that did not manage to rectify the situation.

The second version is supported by the fact that neither the head of state, nor the chairman of the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan, nor his subordinates have ever announced the names of shareholders suspected of embezzling Bank RBK funds. Although in Kazakhstan practice this happens all the time.

Against this version is evidenced by the fact that Mazhinov's predecessor, Marpu Zhakubaeva, who became his first deputy after he joined the bank, has now again headed it.

Judging by these personnel decisions of the shareholders of Bank RBK, undoubtedly dictated from Akorda, if they decide to appoint scapegoats there, then one of them will be either Igor Mazhinov or Marpa Zhakubaeva.

By the way, watching the pandemonium with members of the board of directors of Bank RBK, we noticed that several clans tried to “save” him, including the speaker of the Mazhilis of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Nurlan Nigmatullin. His son Nurkhan Nurlanov even worked in it for about two months as deputy chairman of the board. But all these "rescuers" did not have the necessary financial resources. As a result, the issue was raised to the level of the president, who made the appropriate decision.

Meanwhile, according to our estimate, 434 billion tenge of state support, with a volume of problem loans to be withdrawn to a special financial company of 600 billion tenge, will definitely not be enough. Therefore, we can predict that, as in the case of BTA Bank, in a couple of years the question will arise again, what to do with it next?

And then, if the funds of Bank RBK previously went towards Vladimir Kim and business structures controlled by him, anything is possible - both the bankruptcy of a financial institution with the simultaneous initiation of a criminal case, and a new multi-hundred-billion dollar portion of cash injections from investors.

If, however, the relatives of the “leader of the nation” are still to blame for the problems of Bank RBK, and Nursultan Nazarbayev will continue to remain in power by that time, then the state will be forced to support the financial institution again. After all, the political damage from its bankruptcy will definitely be greater than the financial losses from another operation to "rescue" the troubled bank.

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