Otto Bismarck is one of the most famous politicians of the 19th century. He had a significant impact on political life in Europe, developed a security system. He played a key role in the unification of the German peoples into a single national state. He was awarded many prizes and titles. Subsequently, historians and politicians will evaluate differently who created

The biography of the chancellor is still between representatives of various political movements. In this article, we will get to know her better.

Otto von Bismarck: a short biography. Childhood

Otto was born on April 1, 1815 in Pomerania. His family members were cadets. These are the descendants of medieval knights who received land for serving the king. The Bismarcks had a small estate and held various military and civil positions in the Prussian nomenklatura. By the standards of the German nobility of the 19th century, the family had rather modest resources.

Young Otto was sent to the Plaman school, where the students were tempered with hard physical exercises. The mother was an ardent Catholic and wanted her son to be brought up in strict norms of conservatism. By adolescence, Otto transferred to the gymnasium. There he did not prove himself to be a diligent student. He could not boast of success in his studies. But at the same time he read a lot and was interested in politics and history. He studied the features of the political structure of Russia and France. I even learned French. At the age of 15, Bismarck decides to commit himself to politics. But the mother, who was the head of the family, insists on studying in Göttingen. Law and jurisprudence were chosen as the direction. Young Otto was to become a Prussian diplomat.

Bismarck's behavior in Hannover, where he was trained, is legendary. He did not want to study law, so he preferred a wild life to learning. Like all the elite youth, he frequented entertainment venues and made many friends among the nobles. It was at this time that the hot-tempered nature of the future chancellor manifested itself. He often gets into skirmishes and disputes, which he prefers to resolve by a duel. According to the memoirs of university friends, in just a few years of his stay in Göttingen, Otto participated in 27 duels. As a lifelong memory of a turbulent youth, he had a scar on his cheek after one of these competitions.

Leaving the university

A luxurious life side by side with the children of aristocrats and politicians was beyond the means of the relatively modest Bismarck family. And the constant participation in troubles caused problems with the law and the leadership of the university. So, without receiving a diploma, Otto left for Berlin, where he entered another university. which he graduated in a year. After that, he decided to follow his mother's advice and become a diplomat. Each figure at that time was personally approved by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. After studying the Bismarck case and learning about his problems with the law in Hanover, he denied the young graduate a job.

After the collapse of hopes to become a diplomat, Otto works in Anchen, where he deals with small organizational issues. According to the memoirs of Bismarck himself, the work did not require significant efforts from him, and he could devote himself to self-development and recreation. But even in a new place, the future chancellor has problems with the law, so a few years later he enlists in the army. The military career did not last long. A year later, Bismarck's mother dies, and he is forced to return to Pomerania, where their family estate is located.

In Pomerania, Otto faces a number of difficulties. This is a real test for him. Managing a large estate requires a lot of effort. So Bismarck has to give up his student habits. Thanks to successful work, he significantly raises the status of the estate and increases his income. From a serene young man, he turns into a respected cadet. Nevertheless, the quick-tempered character continues to remind of itself. Neighbors nicknamed Otto "mad".

A few years later, Bismarck's sister Malvina arrives from Berlin. He is very close to her because of their common interests and outlook on life. Around the same time, he becomes an ardent Lutheran and reads the Bible every day. The future Chancellor is engaged to Johanna Puttkamer.

The beginning of the political path

In the 40s of the 19th century, a tough struggle for power between liberals and conservatives began in Prussia. To relieve tension, Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm convenes the Landtag. Elections are held in local administrations. Otto decides to go into politics and without much effort becomes a deputy. From the first days in the Landtag, Bismarck gained fame. Newspapers write about him as "a rabid junker from Pomerania". He's pretty harsh on liberals. Composes whole articles of devastating criticism of Georg Fincke.

His speeches are quite expressive and inspiring, so that Bismarck quickly becomes a significant figure in the camp of conservatives.

Opposition to liberals

At this time, a serious crisis is brewing in the country. A series of revolutions is taking place in neighboring states. The liberals inspired by it are actively engaged in propaganda among the working and poor German population. There are frequent strikes and strikes. Against this background, food prices are constantly rising, unemployment is growing. As a result, a social crisis leads to a revolution. It was organized by the patriots together with the liberals, demanding from the king the adoption of a new Constitution and the unification of all German lands into one national state. Bismarck was very frightened of this revolution, he sends a letter to the king asking him to entrust him with an army campaign against Berlin. But Friedrich makes concessions and partially agrees with the demand of the rebels. As a result, bloodshed was avoided, and the reforms were not as radical as in France or Austria.

In response to the victory of the liberals, a camarilla is created - an organization of conservative reactionaries. Bismarck immediately enters into it and conducts active propaganda through. By agreement with the king, a military coup takes place in 1848, and the rightists regain their lost positions. But Frederick is in no hurry to empower his new allies, and Bismarck is effectively removed from power.

Conflict with Austria

At this time, the German lands were greatly fragmented into large and small principalities, which in one way or another depended on Austria and Prussia. These two states waged a constant struggle for the right to be considered the unifying center of the German nation. By the end of the 40s, there was a serious conflict over the Principality of Erfurt. Relations deteriorated sharply, rumors spread about a possible mobilization. Bismarck takes an active part in resolving the conflict, and he manages to insist on the signing of agreements with Austria in Olmück, since, in his opinion, Prussia was unable to resolve the conflict by military means.

Bismarck believes that it is necessary to begin a long preparation for the destruction of Austrian dominance in the so-called German space.

For this, according to Otto, it is necessary to conclude an alliance with France and Russia. Therefore, with the beginning of the Crimean War, he actively campaigns not to enter into a conflict on the side of Austria. His efforts are bearing fruit: mobilization is not carried out, and the German states remain neutral. The king sees a future in the plans of the "mad junker" and sends him as an ambassador to France. After negotiations with Napoleon III, Bismarck is suddenly recalled from Paris and sent to Russia.

Otto in Russia

Contemporaries claim that the formation of the personality of the Iron Chancellor was greatly influenced by his stay in Russia, Otto Bismarck himself wrote about this. The biography of any diplomat includes a period of mastery. That is what Otto devoted himself to in St. Petersburg. In the capital, he spends a lot of time with Gorchakov, who was considered one of the most prominent diplomats of his time. Bismarck was impressed by the Russian state and traditions. He liked the policy pursued by the emperor, so he carefully studied Russian history. I even started learning Russian. A few years later he could already speak it fluently. "Language gives me the opportunity to understand the very way of thinking and logic of Russians," wrote Otto von Bismarck. The biography of the "mad" student and cadet brought notoriety to the diplomat and interfered with successful activities in many countries, but not in Russia. This is another reason why Otto liked our country.

In it, he saw an example for the development of the German state, since the Russians managed to unite the lands with an ethnically identical population, which was an old dream of the Germans. In addition to diplomatic contacts, Bismarck makes many personal connections.

But Bismarck's quotes about Russia cannot be called flattering: "Never trust Russians, for Russians don't even trust themselves"; "Russia is dangerous because of the meagerness of its needs."

Prime Minister

Gorchakov taught Otto the basics of an aggressive foreign policy, which was very necessary for Prussia. After the death of the king, the "mad junker" is sent to Paris as a diplomat. Before him is a serious task to prevent the restoration of the long-standing alliance of France and England. The new government in Paris, created after another revolution, was negative about the ardent conservative from Prussia.

But Bismarck managed to convince the French of the need for mutual cooperation with the Russian Empire and the German lands. The ambassador selected only trusted people for his team. Assistants selected candidates, then they were considered by Otto Bismarck himself. A short biography of the applicants was compiled by the secret police of the king.

Successful work in establishing international relations allowed Bismarck to become Prime Minister of Prussia. In this position, he won the true love of the people. Otto von Bismarck graced the front pages of German newspapers weekly. Politician quotes became popular far abroad. Such fame in the press is due to the Prime Minister's love for populist statements. For example, the words: "The great questions of the time are not decided by speeches and resolutions of the majority, but by iron and blood!" are still used on a par with similar statements of the rulers of ancient Rome. One of the most famous sayings of Otto von Bismarck: "Stupidity is a gift of God, but it should not be abused."

Territorial expansion of Prussia

Prussia has long set itself the goal of uniting all German lands into one state. For this, training was carried out not only in the foreign policy aspect, but also in the field of propaganda. The main rival in leadership and patronage over the German world was Austria. In 1866, relations with Denmark sharply escalated. Part of the kingdom was occupied by ethnic Germans. Under pressure from the nationalist part of the public, they began to demand the right to self-determination. At this time, Chancellor Otto Bismarck secured the full support of the king and received extended rights. The war with Denmark began. The Prussian troops occupied the territory of Holstein without any problems and divided it with Austria.

Because of these lands, a new conflict arose with a neighbor. The Habsburgs, who sat in Austria, were losing their positions in Europe after a series of revolutions and upheavals that overthrew the representatives of the dynasty in other countries. For 2 years after the Danish war, hostility between Austria and Prussia grew in the first trade blockades and political pressure began. But it soon became clear that a direct military clash could not be avoided. Both countries began to mobilize the population. Otto von Bismarck played a key role in the conflict. Briefly setting out his goals to the king, he immediately went to Italy to enlist her support. The Italians themselves also had claims to Austria, seeking to take possession of Venice. In 1866 the war began. The Prussian troops managed to quickly seize part of the territories and force the Habsburgs to sign a peace treaty on favorable terms.

Consolidation of lands

Now all the ways for the unification of the German lands were open. Prussia headed for the creation of a constitution for which Otto von Bismarck himself wrote. The chancellor's quotes about the unity of the German people gained popularity in the north of France. The growing influence of Prussia greatly worried the French. The Russian Empire also began to fearfully wait for what Otto von Bismarck would do, whose brief biography is described in the article. The history of Russian-Prussian relations during the reign of the Iron Chancellor is very revealing. The politician managed to assure Alexander II of his intention to cooperate with the Empire in the future.

But the French were not convinced of the same. As a result, another war began. A few years earlier, an army reform had been carried out in Prussia, as a result of which a regular army was created.

Military spending also increased. Thanks to this and the successful actions of the German generals, France suffered a number of major defeats. Napoleon III was captured. Paris was forced to make an agreement, losing a number of territories.

On the wave of triumph, the Second Reich is proclaimed, Wilhelm becomes emperor, and Otto Bismarck is his confidant. Quotes from Roman generals at the coronation gave the chancellor another nickname - "triumphant", since then he was often depicted on a Roman chariot and with a wreath on his head.

Heritage

Constant wars and internal political squabbles seriously crippled the health of the politician. He went on vacation several times, but was forced to return due to a new crisis. Even after 65 years, he continued to take an active part in all the political processes of the country. Not a single meeting of the Landtag took place if Otto von Bismarck was not present. Interesting facts about the life of the chancellor are described below.

For 40 years in politics, he achieved tremendous success. Prussia expanded its territories and was able to seize superiority in the German space. Contacts were established with the Russian Empire and France. All these achievements would not have been possible without such a figure as Otto Bismarck. The photo of the chancellor in profile and in a combat helmet has become a kind of symbol of his uncompromisingly tough foreign and domestic policy.

Disputes around this person are still ongoing. But in Germany, everyone knows who Otto von Bismarck was - the iron chancellor. Why he was so nicknamed, there is no consensus. Either because of his quick temper, or because of his ruthlessness towards enemies. One way or another, he had a huge impact on world politics.

• Bismarck began his morning with exercise and prayer.
• During his stay in Russia, Otto learned to speak Russian.
• In St. Petersburg, Bismarck was invited to participate in royal fun. This is bear hunting in the woods. The German even managed to kill several animals. But during the next sortie, the detachment got lost, and the diplomat received severe frostbite on his legs. Doctors predicted amputation, but nothing happened.
• As a young man, Bismarck was an avid duelist. He took part in 27 duels and received a scar on his face in one of them.
• Otto von Bismarck was once asked how he chose his profession. He replied: "I was destined by nature to become a diplomat: I was born on the first of April."

The Russian government kept pension savings for citizens. The Treasury will have to look for other sources to fulfill current social obligations. It is possible that the National Wealth Fund will be involved. Another option is to cut spending on education and healthcare. Or on defense. Which is unlikely to cause enthusiasm among the population. But labor pensions were initially considered precisely as a payment for public peace.

Otto von Bismarck is credited with the famous phrase about socialism that it is “of course possible to build it, but for this you need to choose a country that you don’t feel sorry for.” Iron Chancellor indeed, he was extremely wary of the ideas of universal equality, whose "ghosts" just during his reign began to "wander around Europe." But, ironically, it was precisely these fears that led Bismarck to embark on an unprecedented experiment that has become a kind of creed for almost all left-wing politicians and supporters of the “welfare state”.

In 1889, a law on disability and age insurance was passed in Germany. It covered all workers, as well as production employees with an annual income of up to 2,000 Reichsmarks per year, and provided for retirement upon reaching the age of seventy. Thus, at the suggestion of Bismarck, compulsory pension provision arose.

The specter of paternalism

Of course, the initiator of a large-scale social reform took into account the interests of the proletarians themselves last. For Bismarck, it was much more important to make the workers as dependent as possible on the state and thereby deprive them of any reason whatsoever for participating in revolutionary experiments.

The charismatic German official was very useful to the developments of the French emperor Napoleon III, who, in fact, carried out the policy of authoritarian socialism, extracting the most striking appeals and slogans from the socialist program. True, the founder of "Bonapartism" sought to ensure stability by turning the majority of the French into rentiers whose incomes depended on the state. And Bismarck went even further, including in this paternalistic circle the workers on welfare.

As early as March 1863, as Prime Minister of Prussia, Otto von Bismarck invited Trade Minister Itzenplitz to support the introduction of an insurance system in factories and factories. In 1864-1865, Bismarck turned to the King of Prussia with a project to provide financial resources to an experimental workers' association formed for the production of agricultural products, organized assistance to laid-off weavers.

Image: Corbis

By the way, some historians argue that Bismarck was puzzled by the relevant innovations, having studied social policy not only Napoleon III, but also some Russian industrialists. Back in the late 1850s, auxiliary cash desks for workers and employees were organized on the Nikolaev, Kharkov-Nikolaev, Warsaw-Vienna and Warsaw-Bromberg roads. And on August 25, 1860, the Emeritus Pension Fund for Railway Engineers was established. “The best, most useful and most powerful measure of attracting trustworthy, capable and sufficiently trained people to the railway service,” Konstantin Posyet, then Minister of Railways of the Russian Empire, described this decision.

It is worth recalling that during his stay in the diplomatic service, Bismarck managed to work both in St. Petersburg and in Paris. That is, he had the opportunity to observe the results of these experiments with his own eyes. But in France social innovations were carried out personally by the emperor. In Russia, this was more of a local initiative than an element of a well-thought-out court strategy. Bismarck served as Chancellor of the newly created German Empire from 1871 with virtually unlimited powers. But his career depended on the favor of the Kaiser, and also, albeit to a lesser extent, of Parliament.

In this regard, the appeasement of the proletariat gave the iron chancellor a no less serious trump card than his contribution to the unification of Germany. Moreover, this, as they would say now, “geopolitical success”, accompanied by impressive French indemnities, led to a significant overheating of the German financial market. Prices and wages have risen sharply. Berlin has become the most expensive city in Europe. And German industrialists, due to the rapid increase in costs, were losing their competitive positions.

Following the fall of German exports, the ranks of adherents of liberalism and free trade ideas were also melting. Conversely, conservatives and protectionists gained political weight. A similar metamorphosis took place with Bismarck's economic views. As one of his contemporaries noted, the ways of the chancellor, like the ways of the Lord, are inscrutable.

The increase in customs duties, on the one hand, reduced the dependence of the federal treasury on deductions from individual German lands and provided the state with money for large-scale social reforms. On the other hand, it greatly simplified the competitive environment for German manufacturers. Both worked for Bismarck.

“The state should take this matter into its own hands - it is easiest for it to mobilize the necessary funds. Not as alms, but as the right to support, when a sincere desire to work can no longer help a person. Why should only those who become incapacitated in the war or in the position of an official receive a pension, while the soldier of labor does not? ... It is possible that our policy will someday go to dust, but state socialism will break through. Anyone who picks up this idea again will come to the helm of power, ”said the Reich Chancellor.

Rentier dictatorship

He turned out to be right in many respects, but did not take into account one important nuance. The state can guarantee a secure old age for citizens, without incurring significant financial losses, only at a high retirement age.

In 1900, only 600,000 pensions were paid in Germany. Moreover, two-thirds of them are due to disability. The fact is that few lived to see the 70th anniversary designated by Bismarck's laws. The average life expectancy in Germany at that time was 40.6 years for men and 44 years for women. And by 1925, the number of pensioners increased by 2.5 times, as the retirement age dropped to 65 years.

“A ghost roams the world - the ghost of the bankruptcy of state pension systems. […] Two external factors exacerbate this outcome: 1) the global demographic trend towards declining fertility and 2) advances in medicine leading to increased life expectancy. As a result, fewer and fewer workers support an increasing number of pensioners. Since increases in both the retirement age limit and payroll taxes have an upper limit, sooner or later the system is forced to reduce the level of liabilities - a sure sign of bankruptcy. So, almost a century after the social reforms of Otto von Bismarck, a subordinate of another authoritarian leader Augusto Pinochet, the Chilean Minister of Labor, José Piñera, wrote.

In 1979, Piñera began to create the pension system that would later make Chile famous. Every employee was given the opportunity to opt out of the state pension. In this case, 10 percent of his earnings were sent not to pay taxes, but to a retirement savings account (PSA). “Social programs should encourage the efforts of individuals, reward those who are not afraid to take responsibility for their own destiny. There is nothing worse than social programs that give rise to a society of parasites, ”explained Piñera’s colleague, Finance Minister Hernan Buchi.

At the same time, the head of the Ministry of Labor promised fellow citizens "not to give your grandmother's savings to anyone." Proper fulfillment by the state of current pension obligations was one of the key conditions for the reform. As Piñera emphasized, "It would be unfair to older people to drastically change their income or expectations at this point in their lives."

But all new employees were included in the PSS system without fail. Also, the authorities showed toughness when the trade unions tried to lock in the choice of pension funds that manage the savings of citizens.

By the end of the 1980s, more than 70 percent of Chileans were saving for their own old age. And the country's savings rate reached 30 percent of GDP, a record high for Latin America. Iron Chancellor Bismarck made the Germans paternalists. And the Chileans under the dictator Pinochet became full-fledged rentiers, independent of the state.

However, the power resource of the junta is by no means the only thing that determined the success of Piñera's undertaking. Chile has a very low proportion of older people, about 8 percent. There are 12.8 workers per pensioner. For comparison, in today's Russia there are only 5 workers for every 3 pensioners. Moreover, the actual length of service - that is, the period during which personal savings are made and / or contributions to the Pension Fund are paid - has significantly decreased. Starting to work at about 24 years old, Russians retire at the age of 55-60.

This does not negate the desire of citizens to receive decent remuneration in their declining years. As well as the desire of the state not to go bankrupt when fulfilling pension obligations. Otto von Bismarck opened Pandora's box instead of a panacea. Pensions have turned from a guarantor of social peace into a new source of tension. And as the Chilean experience shows, in order to avoid a "short circuit", cardinal decisions are needed. It is extremely difficult to untie the knot tied by the iron chancellor without an iron hand.

In 1838 he entered the military service.

In 1839, after the death of his mother, he retired from the service and managed the family estates in Pomerania.

After his father's death in 1845, the family property was divided and Bismarck received the estates of Schönhausen and Kniephof in Pomerania.

In 1847-1848, he was a deputy of the first and second United Landtags (parliament) of Prussia, during the revolution of 1848 he advocated armed suppression of unrest.

Bismarck became known for his conservative stance during the constitutional struggle in Prussia from 1848-1850.

Opposing liberals, he contributed to the creation of various political organizations and newspapers, including the "New Prussian newspaper" (Neue Preussische Zeitung, 1848). One of the organizers of the Prussian Conservative Party.

He was a member of the lower house of the Prussian Parliament in 1849 and of the Erfurt Parliament in 1850.

In 1851-1859 he was the representative of Prussia in the Allied Sejm in Frankfurt am Main.

From 1859 to 1862 Bismarck was the Prussian envoy to Russia.

In March - September 1962 - the Prussian envoy to France.

In September 1862, during a constitutional conflict between the Prussian royalty and the liberal majority of the Prussian Landtag, Bismarck was called by King Wilhelm I to the post of head of the Prussian government, and in October of the same year became Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Prussia. He stubbornly defended the rights of the crown and achieved a resolution of the conflict in her favor. In the 1860s he carried out military reform in the country, significantly strengthened the army.

Under the leadership of Bismarck, the unification of Germany was carried out by means of a "revolution from above" as a result of three victorious wars of Prussia: in 1864 together with Austria against Denmark, in 1866 against Austria, in 1870-1871 against France.

After the formation of the North German Confederation in 1867, Bismarck became Chancellor. In the German Empire proclaimed on January 18, 1871, he received the highest state post of imperial chancellor, becoming the first Reich Chancellor. Under the 1871 constitution, Bismarck was given virtually unlimited power. At the same time, he retained the post of Prussian Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Bismarck reformed German law, administration and finance. In the years 1872-1875, on the initiative and under pressure from Bismarck, laws were passed against the Catholic Church depriving the clergy of the right to supervise schools, prohibiting the Jesuit order in Germany, on compulsory civil marriage, on the abolition of articles of the constitution providing for the autonomy of the church, etc. These events seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy. Attempts to disobey caused repression.

In 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an "exceptional law" against the socialists, which prohibited the activities of social democratic organizations. He ruthlessly persecuted any manifestation of political opposition, for which he was nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor".

In 1881-1889, Bismarck passed "social laws" (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on pensions for old age and disability), which laid the foundations for the social insurance of workers. At the same time, he demanded a tougher anti-worker policy and during the 1880s successfully sought the extension of the "exclusive law".

Bismarck built his foreign policy on the basis of the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian war and the seizure of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, contributed to the diplomatic isolation of the French Republic and sought to prevent the formation of any coalition that threatened the hegemony of Germany. Fearing a conflict with Russia and wishing to avoid a war on two fronts, Bismarck supported the creation of the Russian-Austrian-German agreement (1873) "Union of the Three Emperors", and also concluded a "reinsurance agreement" with Russia in 1887. At the same time, in 1879, on his initiative, an alliance agreement was concluded with Austria-Hungary, and in 1882, the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy), directed against France and Russia and marked the beginning of the split of Europe into two hostile coalitions. The German Empire became one of the leaders in international politics. Russia's refusal to renew the "reinsurance pact" at the beginning of 1890 was a serious setback for the chancellor, as was the failure of his plan to turn the "exceptional law" against the socialists into a permanent one. In January 1890, the Reichstag refused to renew it.

In March 1890, Bismarck was dismissed from his post as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Prime Minister as a result of contradictions with the new Emperor Wilhelm II and with the military command on foreign and colonial policy and on the labor issue. He received the title of Duke of Lauenburg, but refused it.

Bismarck spent the last eight years of his life at his Friedrichsruhe estate. In 1891 he was elected to the Reichstag for Hanover, but never took his seat there, and two years later refused to run for re-election.

From 1847 Bismarck was married to Johanna von Puttkamer (died 1894). The couple had three children - daughter Marie (1848-1926) and two sons - Herbert (1849-1904) and Wilhelm (1852-1901).

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The Prussian government finally obtained from parliament the opportunity to implement the policy of its premier, Bismarck, aimed at ensuring Prussian hegemony in German affairs. This was facilitated by the circumstances prevailing in the early 1960s in the international arena.

Just at that time, there was a cooling between France and Russia, since the French government, contrary to its obligations, did not raise the issue of revising the articles of the Paris Treaty of 1856, which were disadvantageous and humiliating for Russia after the defeat in the Crimean War. At the same time, on the basis of the struggle for colonies, deterioration of relations between the same Russia, Great Britain and France. Mutual contradictions diverted the attention of the largest European powers from Prussia, which created a favorable environment for the implementation of the policy of the Prussian Junkers.

Given the great international influence in the Russian region, Bismarck set himself the task of improving Prussian-Russian relations. During the Polish uprising in 1863, he proposed to Alexander II a draft agreement on the joint struggle of Russia and Prussia against the Polish rebels. Such an agreement was concluded in February 1863 (the so-called Alwensleben convention). Although it remained unratified and was not implemented in practice, its signing contributed to the improvement of relations between Prussia and Russia. At the same time, the contradictions between Great Britain and France, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, heated up. In addition, the first in connection with civil war in the USA were busy with American affairs.

Bismarck took advantage of these contradictions among the European powers, first of all, to tear away Schleswig and Holstein, which belonged to Denmark, from Denmark. These two provinces, located at the junction between the Baltic and North Seas, have long attracted the German military and the bourgeoisie with their favorable economic and strategic position. A significant part of the population of these provinces was of German origin and gravitated towards Germany, which was also used by Bismarck.

In November 1863, the Danish king Frederick VII died and his successor Christian IX ascended the throne. Bismarck decided to use this moment to attack Denmark. Taking advantage of the good disposition of the Russian Emperor (an important circumstance was the fact that Tsar Alexander II was the nephew of the Prussian King Wilhelm 1) and having agreed with the Emperor of Austria Franz Joseph, the Prime Minister of Prussia began to look for a reason to declare war.

The reason was the new Danish constitution, which infringed on the rights of Schleswig. In January 1864, the Prussian troops, together with the Austrian ones, attacked Denmark. The war lasted 4 months: such a small and weak country as Denmark, from which both Great Britain and France turned their backs at that moment, was unable to resist two strong opponents. Under the peace treaty, Denmark was forced to give up Schleswig and Holstein; Schleswig with the seaport of Kiel came under the control of Prussia, Holstein - Austria. Denmark was left with a small territory of Lauenburg, which a year later, for 2.5 million gold thalers, passes into the final possession of Prussia, which played an important role in subsequent events.

Having successfully completed the war with Denmark, Prussia immediately began to prepare for war against her recent ally, Austria, in order to weaken her and thus eliminate her influence in Germany. The Prussian General Staff, under the leadership of General Helmut Karl von Moltke, and the War Office, headed by General von Rosn, were actively developing plans for a decisive battle.

At the same time, Bismarck waged an active diplomatic war against Austria, aimed at provoking a conflict with her and at the same time ensuring the neutrality of the great powers - Russia, France and Great Britain. Prussian diplomacy was successful in this. The neutrality of tsarist Russia in the war between Prussia and Austria became possible due to the deterioration of Austro-Russian relations; the tsar could not forgive Austria for its policy during the Crimean War of 1853-1856. The neutrality of Napoleon III was achieved by Bismarck with the help of vague promises of compensation in Europe (which the Emperor of France still did not agree to). Britain was engrossed in the diplomatic struggle with France. Bismarck also managed to secure an alliance with Italy: the latter hoped to take Venice from Austria.

So that the great powers (primarily France) still did not have time to intervene in the conflict, Bismarck developed a plan for a lightning war with Austria. This plan was as follows: the Prussian troops defeat the main enemy forces in one, maximum two battles, and, without putting forward any demands for the capture of Austrian territories, they seek the main thing from the Austrian emperor - so that he refuses to interfere in German affairs and does not interfere with the transformation of the powerless German union into a new union German states without Austria under Prussian hegemony.

As a pretext for war, Bismarck chose the question of the situation in the Duchy of Holstein. Finding fault with the actions of the Austrian governor, Bismarck brought Prussian troops into the duchy. Austria, due to the remoteness of Holstein, could not send her troops there and submitted to the all-German parliament, which met in Frankfurt, a proposal to condemn Prussia for aggression. The Austrian proposal was supported by a number of other German states: Bavaria, Saxony, Württemberg, Hanover, Baden. The crude provocative policy of Bismarck set them up against Prussia; the great-power plans of the Prussian militarists frightened them. The Prussian prime minister was accused of provoking a fratricidal war.

Despite everything, Bismarck continued to bend his policy. June 17, 1866 war began. Prussian troops invaded the Czech lands of Austria. At the same time, Italy opposed Austria in the south. The Austrian command was forced to divide its forces. An army of 75,000 was sent against the Italians, and 283,000 men were sent against the Prussians. The Prussian army numbered 254 thousand people, but was much better armed than the Austrian, in particular, it had the most advanced needle gun for that time, loaded from the breech. Despite a significant numerical superiority and good weapons, the Italian army was defeated at the first meeting with the Austrians.

Bismarck found himself in a difficult position, because conflicts over declaring war were not settled between him, the Landtag and the king. Bismarck's position and the outcome of the entire war were saved by the talented strategist General Moltke, who commanded the Prussian army. On July 3, in the decisive battle of Sadovaya (near Koeniggrätz), the Austrians suffered a severe defeat and were forced to retreat.

In the circles of the Prussian militarists, intoxicated by the victory, a plan arose to continue the war until the final defeat of Austria. They demanded that the Prussian army triumphantly enter Vienna, where Prussia would dictate peace terms to defeated Austria, providing for the rejection of a number of territories from her. Bismarck strongly opposed this. He had good reasons for this: two days after the Battle of Sadovaya, the government of Napoleon III, greatly alarmed by the unforeseen victories of Prussia, offered their peace mediation. Bismarck considered the danger of an immediate armed intervention by France on the side of Austria, which could radically change the existing balance of power; moreover, Bismarck's calculations did not include an excessive weakening of Austria, since he intended to draw closer to her in the future. Based on these considerations, Bismarck insisted on an early conclusion of peace.

On August 23, 1866, a peace treaty was signed between Prussia and Austria. Bismarck won another victory - Austria had to abandon its claims to a leading role in German affairs and withdraw from the German Confederation. The four German states that fought on the side of Austria - the Kingdom of Hanover, the Electorate of Hesse-Kassel, the Duchy of Nassau and the city of Frankfurt am Main - were included in Prussia, and thus the striped strip that separated the western and eastern possessions of the Prussian monarchy was eliminated. Austria also had to give Venice to Italy. New Italian harassment of Trieste and Trient failed.

5. North German Confederation

After new territorial conquests, Prussia became the largest German state with a population of 24 million people. The Bismarck government achieved the creation of the North German Confederation, which included 22 German states located north of the Main River. The constitution of the North German Confederation, adopted in April 1867, legally consolidated the hegemony of Prussia in the German territories. The Prussian king became the head of the North German Confederation. He held supreme command of the union's armed forces. In the Federal Council, which included representatives of the governments of all allied states, Prussia also occupied a dominant position.

Bismarck, Minister-President of Prussia, became Federal Chancellor. The Prussian General Staff actually became the highest military body of the entire North German Confederation. The all-union parliament - the Reichstag - was to be elected on the basis of universal (for men over 21) and direct (but not secret) voting, most of the seats belonged to deputies from Prussia. However, the Reichstag enjoyed only minor political influence, since its decisions were not valid without the approval of the Federal Council, and, according to the law, the Bismarck government was not accountable to the Reichstag either.

After the end of the Austro-Prussian war, Bavaria, Bürttemberg, Baden and Hesse-Darmstadt were forced to conclude agreements with Prussia on the transfer of the armed forces of these four South German states under the control of the Prussian General Staff.

Thus, Bismarck, having achieved the creation of the North German Confederation, in which the leadership unquestionably belonged to Prussia, prepared Germany for a new war with France for the final completion of its unification.

The Franco-Prussian War was the result of the imperial policy of the obsolete French Second Empire and the new aggressive state - Prussia, which wants to assert its dominance in the center of Europe. The French ruling circles hoped, as a result of the war with Prussia, to prevent the unification of Germany, in which they saw a direct threat to the dominant position of France on the European continent, and, moreover, to seize the left bank of the Rhine, which had long been an object of desire for the French capitalists. The French Emperor Napoleon III, in a victorious war, was also looking for a way out of the deep internal political crisis, which at the end of the 60s assumed a character that threatened his empire. The favorable outcome of the war, according to the calculations of Napoleon III, was to strengthen the international position of the Second Empire, which had been greatly shaken in the 60s.

The Junkers and the big military industrialists of Prussia, for their part, strove for war. They hoped, by defeating France, to weaken it, in particular, to capture the iron-rich and strategically important French provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. Bismarck, who had already considered war with France inevitable since 1866, was only looking for a favorable pretext for entering it: he wanted France, and not Prussia, to be the aggressive side that declared war. In this case, it would be possible to provoke a national movement in the German states to accelerate the complete unification of Germany and thereby facilitate the transformation of the temporary North German Confederation into a more powerful centralized state - the German Empire under the leadership of Prussia.

January 18, 1871 proclamation of the German Empire. The first German imperial chancellor was von Bismarck (1815-1898). For almost 20 years (1871-1890).

Bismarck has become an unattainable model. His power deliberately pursued public goals and dynastic interests. Self-interest was sacrificed. All his achievements were not appreciated by his contemporaries or followers. He was not a monarchist and was not an adherent of Prussian hegemony. Its main goal is the national interest.

administrative reform.

1872. in Prussia, an administrative reform was carried out, according to which the hereditary patrimonial power of the Junkers in the countryside was canceled;

- In communities, she passed to elected elders,

- in the volost - to the amtman, Amtman ruled with the participation of elected elders

- in the district - to the landrat, who were appointed by the Prussian king from candidates presented by the local elected assembly, almost always from among the local landowners. Under the landrats, district councils were formed, which were elected according to a three-class electoral system.

As a result, the state apparatus was strengthened in the interests of the junkers.

financial reform.

Strengthening the economic and political position of the country, the imperial government introduced 1871 - 1873. single monetary system. adopted as the main currency gold mark. AT 1875. the Prussian bank was transformed into the Reichsbank (Reichsbank) with a monopoly on the issuance of bank notes throughout the empire. Centralization of mail.

Judicial reform.

AT 1876. laws were passed that determined a single system of justice throughout the empire. They met with strong resistance from the South German states, and here the practical application of the new legal proceedings began only in 1879. According to the judicial reform, the highest court was imperial court, but the seat of the imperial court was established not in the capital of the empire - Berlin, but in the Saxon city Leipzig. With this gesture, the German government made an ostentatious concession.

military sphere.

After the formation of the empire, Bismarck always dreamed of revenge on the part of the defeated in the war of 1870-1871. France. AT 1874. with the support of the National Liberal faction, he achieved the approval of the Reichstag military budget immediately on seven years ahead.

Kulturkampf.

Bismarck's policy of Prussianization of Germany was opposed by the Catholic clergy, who sought to maintain their former independence and influence. To fight with Prussianization some segments of the population of the southwestern states of Germany, subjected to heavy national oppression, also rose: the Poles, the French population of Alsace and Lorraine. The party of the Catholic "center" acted as a "defender" of the interests of these peoples, as it saw in this a means of strengthening its political role.

To break the stubbornness of the Catholic Church and the "center" party, Bismarck held in 1872 the law, according to which the clergy was deprived of the right to supervise schools, the priests were forbidden to conduct political agitation. At the same time, the so-called May Laws were adopted by the Prussian Landtag. was held civil record law marriages, births and deaths, which took away from the church the rights that strengthened its social influence, and very solid sources of income . Catholic clergy disobeyed these laws and boycotted them. Pope Pius IX issued a call to fight. Bismarck responded by arresting and deporting recalcitrant priests from Germany.

Catholic priests began to pose as "martyrs" of the church. Bismarck's struggle with recalcitrant priests was compared with the persecution of Christians by ancient Roman emperors. The clergy must submit to the spiritual court, and the spiritual court is arranged by secular authorities, The state appoints pastors, Religious education is removed from episcopal jurisdiction, The clergy as a whole were subordinate to secular authorities, The activities of the Jesuit order, etc. were prohibited.

In order to fight the working class, Bismarck agreed to reconcile with the opposition "Centre" party. During the period from 1878 to 1882. Almost all laws against the Catholic Church were repealed. All that remained of the Kulturkampf legislation was the law on civil marriage and government oversight of schools.

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Domestic policy of Chancellor Bismarck.

Otto Eduard Leopold Karl-Wilhelm-Ferdinand Duke von Lauenburg Prince von Bismarck und Schönhausen(German Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - Prince, politician, statesman, the first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of the Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).

German unification

Domestic politics

In 1872-1875, on the initiative and under pressure from Bismarck, laws were passed against the Catholic Church depriving the clergy of the right to supervise schools, prohibiting the Jesuit order in Germany, making civil marriage compulsory, repealing articles of the constitution that provided for the autonomy of the church, etc. These measures so-called. "Kulturkampf", dictated by purely political considerations of the struggle against the particularist-clerical opposition, seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy; attempts of disobedience provoked reprisals. This led to the alienation from the state of the Catholic part of the population. In 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an "exceptional law" against the socialists, which prohibited the activities of social democratic organizations.

In 1879, Bismarck secured the adoption by the Reichstag of a protectionist customs tariff. Liberals were forced out of big politics. The new course of economic and financial policy corresponded to the interests of large industrialists and large farmers. Their union occupied a dominant position in political life and in public administration. In 1881-89, Bismarck passed "social laws" (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on pensions for old age and disability), which laid the foundations for the social insurance of workers. At the same time, he demanded a tougher anti-worker policy and during the 80s. successfully sought the extension of the "exceptional law". The dual policy towards workers and socialists prevented their integration into the social and state structure of the empire.

Ticket 8.
1. Colonial rivalry between European powers in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.

By the end of the XVIII century. in most of the Spanish and Portuguese possessions in America, revolutionary changes were also ripe. The growth of economic, political, social and national contradictions between the Spaniards and the Portuguese, who concentrated in their hands all the highest posts in the administration, the army and the church, on the one hand, and the majority of the population, including landowners, merchants and Creole industrialists (descendants of Europeans of American origin) , - on the other hand, ultimately led to the War of Independence 1810-1826. As a result, all possessions of Spain, with the exception of Cuba and Puerto Rico, became free states. Brazil, in which the liberation movement developed mainly in peaceful forms, achieved independence in 1822 (the formal recognition of the independence of Latin American countries by Spain and Portugal dragged on for decades).
After North and South America gained independence, the colonial interests of the European powers focused on the East and Africa. It was there that colonialism reached its highest flourishing and power, it was there that the disintegration of the colonial system began and ended.
In the 40s. 19th century The British East India Company, after a bloody war, conquered the Principality of Punjab and other still independent parts of India, thereby completing its complete subjugation. Active colonial development of the country began: construction railways, reforms of land tenure, land use and the tax system, which had as their goal to adapt traditional ways of farming and lifestyle to the interests of England.
The subjugation of India opened the way for the British to the north and east, to Afghanistan and Burma. In Afghanistan, the colonial interests of England and Russia clashed. After the Anglo-Afghan wars of 1838-1842 and 1878-1881. the British established control over the foreign policy of this country, but they could not achieve its complete subordination.
As a result of the first (1824-1826) and second (1852-1853) Anglo-Burmese wars waged by the East India Company, its army, which consisted mainly of hired Indian sepoy soldiers under the command of English officers, occupied a large part of Burma. The so-called Upper Burma, which retained its independence, was cut off from the sea in the 60s. England imposed on her unequal treaties, and in the 80s. completely subjugated the entire country.
In the 19th century increased British expansion in Southeast Asia. In 1819, a naval base was founded in Singapore, which became the main stronghold of England in this part of the world. Less successfully for the British ended the long-standing rivalry with Holland in Indonesia, where they managed to establish themselves only in the north of Borneo and small islands.
In the middle of the XIX century. France captured South Vietnam and made it its colony in the 80s. ousted a weakening China from North Vietnam and established a protectorate over it. At the end of the XIX century. The French created the so-called Indochinese Union, which included Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The French governor-general was placed at the head of the union.
In the 19th century completed the colonization of Australia. On the territory of New South Wales, the colonies of Tasmania, Victoria (named after the Dutch traveler Tasman and the English Queen Victoria) and Queensland stood out, new independent settlements of Western and South Australia were formed. The influx of free settlers increased. In the middle of the XIX century. they achieved an end to the deportation of convicts to Australia. In the 50s. gold was discovered in New South Wales and Victoria. This attracted to Australia not only new thousands of colonists, but also capital.

In 1882, Egypt was occupied by British troops, and in 1914 England established its own protectorate over it. In 1922, the protectorate was abolished, Egypt was proclaimed an independent and sovereign state, but this was independence on paper, since England completely controlled the economic, foreign policy and military spheres of his life.
By the beginning of the XX century. over 90% of the territory of Africa belonged to the largest colonial powers: England, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Portugal, Spain.
On the turn of XIX and XX centuries. colonial rivalry and the struggle for spheres of influence in the world escalated. In 1898, the American-Spanish war broke out, as a result of which the United States captured the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, the Hawaiian Islands and established control over Cuba, which received formal independence. After the Russo-Japanese War, Japan established de facto dominance over Korea and Manchuria. Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902 completed the "gathering" of lands in southern Africa by England. European powers actively intervened in the economic and political life of the countries that were part of the decaying Ottoman Empire.

After the First World War, one of the main reasons for which was colonial rivalry, there was a territorial redivision of the world.

In 1919, the League of Nations was created, on behalf of which trusteeship was established over the possessions of Germany and Turkey. The colonies of the vanquished were taken over by the victors. Australia received German possessions in New Guinea, Germany's African colonies went to England (Tanganyika, part of Togo and Cameroon), Belgium (Rwanda and Burundi), France (part of Togo and Cameroon), the Union of South Africa (Southwest Africa). France also received Syria and Lebanon, which belonged to Turkey, and Japan, which hardly participated in the war, bargained for the German port of Qingdao in China and the islands in the Pacific Ocean.
With common goals, the colonial policy of each power had its own characteristics. For example, in addition to the methods of military-police suppression and economic exploitation practiced by all colonial powers, Portugal also used other rather subtle means of influencing subject peoples including encouraging mixed marriages and granting the right to assimilate, i.e. equalize in one way or another in rights with the Europeans. True, in order to become the so-called "assimiladush", one had to prove one's preparedness for this in terms of the level of education and social status. It is not surprising, therefore, that in Angola, which was subordinated to Portugal in the middle of the 19th - early 20th centuries, in the 30s. 20th century there were only 24 thousand assimilated souls out of about 3 million inhabitants, in Mozambique - 1.8 thousand out of 4.3 million, in the vast Belgian Congo, where the system of colonial administration was similar to the Portuguese, in the 50s. only 0.8 thousand of the approximately 14 million indigenous people partially received the rights that Europeans had in this colony.

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Otto Eduard Leopold von Schönhausen Bismarck

Bismarck Otto Eduard Leopold von Schonhausen Prussian-German statesman, the first Chancellor of the German Empire.

Carier start

A native of the Pomeranian Junkers. Studied law in Göttingen and Berlin. In 1847-48 he was a deputy to the 1st and 2nd Prussian Landtags, during the revolution of 1848 he advocated armed suppression of unrest. One of the organizers of the Prussian Conservative Party. In 1851-59 Prussian representative in the Bundestag in Frankfurt am Main. In 1859-1862 Prussian ambassador to Russia, in 1862 Prussian ambassador to France. In September 1862, during a constitutional conflict between the Prussian royalty and the liberal majority of the Prussian Landtag, Bismarck was called by King Wilhelm I to the post of Prussian minister-president; stubbornly defended the rights of the crown and achieved a resolution of the conflict in her favor.

German unification

Under the leadership of Bismarck, the unification of Germany was carried out by means of a "revolution from above" as a result of three victorious wars of Prussia: in 1864 together with Austria against Denmark, in 1866 against Austria, in 1870-71 against France. While remaining loyal to the Junkers and loyal to the Prussian monarchy, Bismarck was forced during this period to link his actions with the German national-liberal movement. He managed to embody the hopes of the rising bourgeoisie and the national aspirations of the German people, to ensure a breakthrough for Germany on the path to an industrial society.

Domestic politics

After the formation of the North German Confederation in 1867, Bismarck became the Bundeschancellor. In the German Empire proclaimed on January 18, 1871, he received the highest state post of imperial chancellor, and, in accordance with the constitution of 1871, practically unlimited power. In the first years after the formation of the empire, Bismarck had to reckon with the liberals who constituted the parliamentary majority. But the desire to ensure Prussia's dominant position in the empire, to strengthen the traditional social and political hierarchy and its own power caused constant friction in relations between the chancellor and parliament. The system created and carefully guarded by Bismarck - a strong executive power, personified by himself, and a weak parliament, a repressive policy towards the workers' and socialist movement did not correspond to the tasks of a rapidly developing industrial society. This was the underlying cause of the weakening of Bismarck's position by the end of the 80s.

In 1872-1875, on the initiative and under pressure from Bismarck, laws were passed against the Catholic Church depriving the clergy of the right to supervise schools, prohibiting the Jesuit order in Germany, making civil marriage compulsory, repealing articles of the constitution that provided for the autonomy of the church, etc. These measures so-called. "Kulturkampf", dictated by purely political considerations of the struggle against the particularist-clerical opposition, seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy; attempts of disobedience provoked reprisals. This led to the alienation from the state of the Catholic part of the population.

In 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an "exceptional law" against the socialists, which prohibited the activities of social democratic organizations. In 1879, Bismarck secured the adoption by the Reichstag of a protectionist customs tariff. Liberals were forced out of big politics. The new course of economic and financial policy corresponded to the interests of large industrialists and large farmers. Their union occupied a dominant position in political life and in public administration. In 1881-89, Bismarck passed "social laws" (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on pensions for old age and disability), which laid the foundations for the social insurance of workers. At the same time, he demanded a tougher anti-worker policy and during the 80s. successfully sought the extension of the "exceptional law". The dual policy towards workers and socialists prevented their integration into the social and state structure of the empire.

Foreign policy

Bismarck built his foreign policy on the basis of the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian war and the capture of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, which became a source of constant tension. With the help of a complex system of alliances that ensured the isolation of France, the rapprochement of Germany with Austria-Hungary and the maintenance of good relations with Russia (the alliance of the three emperors of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia in 1873 and 1881; the Austro-German alliance in 1879; the Triple Alliance between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Hungary and Italy in 1882; the Mediterranean agreement of 1887 between Austria-Hungary, Italy and England and the "reinsurance agreement" with Russia in 1887) Bismarck managed to maintain peace in Europe; The German Empire became one of the leaders in international politics.

Career decline

However, in the late 1980s, this system began to crack. A rapprochement between Russia and France was planned. The colonial expansion of Germany, begun in the 80s, aggravated Anglo-German relations. Russia's refusal to renew the "reinsurance pact" at the beginning of 1890 was a serious setback for the Chancellor. Bismarck's failure in domestic politics was the failure of his plan to turn the "exceptional law" against the socialists into a permanent one. In January 1890 the Reichstag refused to renew it. As a result of contradictions with the new emperor Wilhelm II and with the military command on foreign and colonial policy and on the labor issue, Bismarck was dismissed in March 1890 and spent the last 8 years of his life on his Friedrichsruh estate.

S. V. Obolenskaya

Encyclopedia of Cyril and Methodius

Back to home page Bismarck

2.1.2. Prussian socialism.

With the formation of the German Empire, socialist movements began to develop in its industrial regions. One of the important prerequisites for this was the adoption by Bismarck of such a regulatory legal act as the “Law Concerning the Equalization of the Rights of Religions in Their Civil Rights” in 1869, extending to the territory of the North German Confederation, and since 1971 to the territory of the entire German Empire. Seeing the socialists as a threat to the empire's political regime, Bismarck attempted to enact new repressive legislation. Perhaps this attitude towards the socialists was the reason for the assassination attempt on the chancellor in Bad Kissingen in 1874. After that, Bismarck actively tried to pass through the Reichstag a decree on the control of all clubs and associations by the state, but he was rejected by the centrists and liberal progressives. The result of Bismarck's efforts were only some changes in the articles of the criminal code concerning these associations. Bismarck was not at all happy with the fact that he began to lose his huge influence in the Reichstag because of the parties of the left. Therefore, the chancellor turned to public opinion. In newspapers and various speeches, Bismarck's thoughts began to flicker that the liberals and socialists were trying to destroy the empire from within. And on the wave of public opinion, Bismarck finally received the support of a majority in the Reichstag. In the 1877 elections, the Liberals lost their majority in Parliament, which again swung noticeably to the right.

In 1878, Bismarck demanded a harsh law against socialists of all denominations. The reason for this was the attack on the emperor committed in the same year. Without any serious evidence, Bismarck declared the attacker a member of the Social Democratic Party (it included Marxists, Lassalleans, etc.), founded in Gotha in 1875. But a member of the National Liberal Party, Benigsen (1824-1902), in the Bundesrat, on behalf of the right-liberal faction, declared that Bismarck's demand was "a declaration of war on the Reichstag", and he was rejected.

In June 1878, another attempt was made to assassinate the emperor. Bismarck tried to use this as an excuse to dissolve the deputies, pass anti-socialist laws, and win a parliamentary majority to implement his tariff reforms. But the deputation from Baden spoke out against the dissolution of Parliament. Then Bismarck declared that he needed "unanimous support" and threatened to resign or carry out a coup d'état. The Bundesrat relented, and the elections of July 30, 1878, resulted in the Conservatives and Centrists gaining a strong majority in the German Parliament at the expense of the Liberals and Socialists (who, however, received two more mandates than before). Now Bismarck again had great influence in the Reichstag, where the number of his supporters increased.

After that, the chancellor began to act. And the first thing he did was to pass through the Reichstag a bill directed against the socialists. The Social Democratic Party was banned, as well as its rallies, the socialists were deprived of the license for their publications. But deputies, former members of the party, could still be elected to the Reichstag and freely deliver their critical speeches against the state system, and gather in Switzerland and from there forward publications to Germany.

Another outcome of the new alignment of forces in the Reichstag was the opportunity to introduce protectionist economic reforms to overcome the economic crisis that had lasted since 1873. With these reforms, the chancellor managed to greatly disorient the national liberals and win over the centrists. Thus, in 1878 it became clear that Bismarck's period of more liberal and democratic policies was over.

The 1881 elections were effectively a defeat for Bismarck: Bismarck's conservative parties and liberals lost out to the Center parties, progressive liberals and socialists. The situation became even more serious when the opposition parties united in order to cut the cost of maintaining the army.

Germany lagged behind England and France in regulating the relationship between employers and employees.

But Bismarck conceived the so-called pension reforms as a means to transform the working class into a class loyal to the state and conservative, that is, cherishing their position. He began by submitting to the Reichstag a project for the health insurance of workers (1883), which provided for the payment of sickness benefits from its third day for a maximum of 13 weeks. After three years of debate, accident insurance was introduced in 1884. Compensation was 2/3 of the average salary and started from the 14th week of illness; the responsibility for paying this compensation rested with business associations based on cooperative principles. Finally, in 1889, the Reichstag passed a law on pensions due to age or disability. However, the amounts paid on the basis of this law remained extremely small for a long time, averaging 152 marks per year by 1914, while the average annual salary was equal to 1083 marks in the same year.

As a result, government measures for various reasons did not satisfy both employees and employers. Moreover, in principle, they could not stop the growth of the social democratic movement, since the goal of the latter was the development of social control, and not social compensation. But one cannot but agree that the labor insurance measures developed by Bismarck far exceeded those adopted in other industrialized countries, and became the basis for further social reforms.

Already after the death of Wilhelm I, the changes on the German throne greatly increased the instability of the political system. One of the reasons for this: the understanding of the inefficiency of repressive methods and the bribery of workers by "social reform". If under William I all this was kept in a state of equilibrium, then with his death the balance was disturbed. To the new Kaiser, the ambitious Wilhelm II, Bismarck's policy seemed old-fashioned, too limited, devoid of global scope, so the chancellor was fired. Bismarck had to leave because, in the conditions of the rapid capitalist development of Germany reunited by him, deep class contradictions had already grown between the bourgeois junkers and the growing working class. The exceptional laws against socialists introduced and existing for 12 years could not eliminate these contradictions.

2.2. The foreign policy of Otto von Bismarck.

2.2.1. Bismarck's system of alliances.

The Peace of Frankfurt, signed between Germany and France in 1871 after the end of the war, became the basis of the foreign policy of Bismarck Germany. The chancellor sought to perpetuate this peace, as he provided Germany with significant privileges in relation to France. Meanwhile, the peace, which completed the victory of reunited Germany over defeated France, further exacerbated the contradictions that had already existed between these powers, this was aggravated by the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany.

Thus, after the Peace of Frankfurt, Bismarck could always be sure that if Germany had an enemy, then France would certainly become his ally. New tasks arose from this: to weaken the internal forces of France and isolate her in the international arena. Hence his desire to prevent a rapprochement between Austria and France, who have “sharpened their teeth on Germany”, hence his desire to strengthen relations with Russia.

Bismarck tells in his memoirs that even at the height of the campaign against France, he was preoccupied with strengthening relations with Russia and Austria-Hungary. Thus, he sought to prevent a possible repetition of a coalition of three powers: Russia, Austria and France. He reveals another hidden thought, which he was already occupied with at that time - to attract Italy to the future union of the monarchical powers.

In addition, Bismarck was looking for an ally in the person of England, but the British government took a neutral side. Around the same time, Bismarck declared that as long as England does not realize that she can find her only and reliable ally on the continent in the person of Germany, good relations with Russia are of the greatest value to Germany.

Bismarck brought to the fore the idea of ​​common dynastic interests of the three Eastern European monarchies. On this basis, he created the Union of the Three Emperors - German, Russian and Austrian (1873). The main goal that Bismarck pursued in creating an alliance was to strengthen the European positions of the young German Empire. In the alliance of the three emperors, Bismarck sought to ensure Germany's international position, which had developed after the Frankfurt Peace. He sought to use not only his political rapprochement with both empires, but also the contradictions between them. To no lesser extent, he sought to use the contradictions between Russia and England.

At that time, Bismarck needed Russia's friendship in order to isolate France, which paid the indemnity ahead of schedule and began to strengthen its army. France, after the defeat of the Paris Commune, began to prepare for revenge. The German government was not going to wait until the French took the political or military initiative into their own hands. It was necessary to make a preemptive strike. To this end, Bismarck formulated the well-known militaristic concept of preventive war. “A state like Prussia or Germany,” Bismarck argued, “may be attacked from three or four sides, and therefore it will be natural if, under certain circumstances, this state, at the most advantageous moment for itself, having forestalled the enemy, itself starts military operations against him” fourteen.

Bismarck understood that, without securing the neutral position of Russia, Germany could not start a war with France again, so he tried with all his might to influence the Russian government, but failed due to Gorchakov's intervention. It became quite clear that Russia would not stand aside if fighting, but the most unexpected thing for Bismarck was that England also showed interest in this issue. Thus, instead of the desired isolation of France, symptoms of a possible isolation of Germany were revealed if she undertook a new war. It was clear that the alliance of the three emperors - the faction on which Bismarck tried to rely - had cracked.

By the end of the 70s, Bismarck began to support the active colonial expansion of the French bourgeoisie in order to ease the tense situation between the countries. He knew that along the way France would run into England (in Indo-China and Egypt) and Italy (in Tunisia). But at the same time, Bismarck supported both England and Italy as France's colonial rivals. Even earlier, he began to push tsarist Russia with Austria to a conflict in the Middle East. But about the latter, it should be said that Bismarck did not seek to start a war between Russia and Austria-Hungary, since the undoubted victory of Russia in this war would lead Germany to a certain dependence on the “new eastern neighbor”. In Austria, he saw a counterbalance to Russia. At the same time, he did not give up the idea of ​​using another counterbalance - England. But Bismarck still chose Austria. In 1879, an alliance treaty was signed with Austria-Hungary, which was guaranteed armed assistance in the event of a war with Russia. For its part, Austria-Hungary, providing Germany with assistance in the event of a war with Russia, pledged to remain neutral in the event of a war with France. This was another major crack for the Three Emperors Alliance.

Thus, drawing a line under the above, Bismarck stubbornly sought to avert the danger of a war with Russia, which would inevitably turn into a war on two fronts for Germany. The weakened "Union of the Three Emperors" in 1881 was reinforced by the Austro-Russian-German agreement on the mutual neutrality of these powers if one of them was attacked by a fourth, in particular in the event of an attack by England on Russia or France against Germany. But there was little hope for this treaty.

Bismarck did not abandon attempts to isolate France, and therefore encouraged Italy to compete with France, its claims to Tunisia captured by France and helped to muffle its claims to Trieste and Trentino (northern Italy) that belonged to Austria-Hungary. But Austria-Hungary considered its main enemy not Italy, but Russia. This allowed Germany, Italy and Austria-Hungary in 1882 to sign the "Triple Alliance" for a period of five years. Bismarck again got what he needed: the obligation of Italy to support Germany in the event of an attack on her by France (Austria-Hungary did not have such an obligation). If France attacked Italy, then both allies should have helped her. If one of the parties to the treaty was attacked by two great powers at once, military assistance was provided to him. If one of the participants himself attacked someone, he was provided with neutrality from both partners. Special statements emphasized that the provisions of the treaty should not be considered directed against England. In his memoirs, Bismarck says that "The Tripartite Alliance is a strategic position which, in view of the dangers that threatened us at the time of its conclusion, was prudent and achievable under the circumstances." Based on the above, a conclusion can be drawn. From the moment of the formation of the German Empire, Bismarck waged a tense struggle in the field of foreign policy for the establishment of the state in the international arena. He managed to create around Germany a large and complex system of alliances and groupings. He sought to insure and reinsure himself in different situations, which emerged as quickly as they collapsed. In my opinion, one of the main reasons for the creation of various alliances and the conclusion of treaties of Germany with other countries was Bismarck's desire to resolve the conflict with France. The "Iron Chancellor" showed his diplomatic talent in this situation. He literally "juggled" the countries of Europe and "walked along the edge of the abyss", fighting for the interests of the empire. As a result, Bismarck secured himself to the best of his ability against the threat from France and made Germany the center of a system of alliances that had to be maintained and perhaps even expanded on occasion.

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