A gentle man of strong convictions. An excerpt characterizing Maklakov, Nikolai Alekseevich

Hereditary nobleman. Father - a well-known ophthalmologist, Privatdozent of the Moscow University Alexei Nikolaevich Maklakov (1837-1895), mother - writer Elizaveta Vasilievna Cheredeeva (d. 1881). Graduated from the historical and philological faculty of the Moscow University (1893). Since 1894 he was a supernumerary official for special assignments at the Moscow Treasury Chamber, since 1898 a tax inspector in the city of Yuryev, Vladimir Province. Since 1900 he was the head of the department of the Treasury in Tambov, since 1902 he was the director of the Tambov Provincial Committee on Prisons. March 24, 1906 appointed manager of the Treasury in Poltava. He was the chairman of the commission for decorating the city on the occasion of anniversary celebrations in connection with the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Poltava victory. P. A. Stolypin introduced an energetic official to Emperor Nicholas II, and on June 7, 1909, he was appointed acting governor of Chernigov, where he showed remarkable administrative abilities, and six months later he was approved in this position. In 1911 the Sovereign visited Chernigov to pray at the relics of St. Theodosius of Uglich. The order in the province pleased the Emperor. In 1912, the Octobrists, who considered Chernigov their fiefdom, failed in the elections to the Fourth State Duma in the province. Liberals accused Maklakov of putting pressure on the elections. And before, difficult relations with the local Zemstvo escalated to the extreme. A deputation was sent to St. Petersburg with a request for the resignation of the governor, it came to the point that the strike was announced by the local marshals of the nobility. The sovereign dismissed Maklakov from the post of governor, but appointed him on December 16. 1912 managing director of the Ministry of the Interior. The appointment took place despite the stubborn resistance of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, V.N. V.P. Meshchersky, will interfere with the government's liberal policy. However, the Sovereign insisted on his own, telling Kokovtsov that after repeated meetings with Maklakov, he came to the conclusion that he was "a man of very strong convictions, but extremely soft in form." Feb 21 1913 Maklakov was approved by the minister. On May 27, 1913, he was awarded the title of chamberlain of the Supreme Court.

At that time, Maklakov already had a reputation as a dignitary of the extreme right, a firm monarchist, although he did not oppose the very existence of the State. Duma, but a supporter of the legislative Duma, who believed that in managing the internal affairs of Russia it is necessary that the government be "well aware of everything that is happening in the country, so that it has friends among young students, among workers, among peasants, among officials and troops" . P. G. Kurlov, who knew Maklakov well from his joint service, gave him the following characterization: “a true monarchist by conviction, sincerely and ardently was devoted to the Sovereign Emperor and was ready to really put all his strength into serving his Monarch and homeland.” “Close acquaintance with N. A. Maklakov left me with the impression of a pure and beautiful person, ”wrote Kurlov. The sovereign was very pleased with the minister. A. A. Vyrubova recalled: “The Sovereign was fascinated by Maklakov and said: “Finally, I found a person who understands Me and with whom I can work.”

As minister, he led through the legislative institutions of St. 150 bills, incl. on the transformation of the police, on the press (with the Charter on the press), on the transformation of the statistical part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, on the 2nd general population census. Repeatedly advocated the dissolution of the State Duma (in this spirit he sent several letters to the Tsar in 1913). Raised the issue of changing the Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire for discussion. After the outbreak of the First World War, on November 18, 1914, he submitted a “Note” to the Council of Ministers, in which he insisted on limiting the Zemsky and City Unions exclusively to “helping the sick and wounded” and prohibiting them from engaging in politics. In every possible way hindered the convening of sessions of the State. Duma. Maklakov's appointment as minister revived the hopes of the rightists for the restoration of unlimited autocracy. In his new position, Maklakov actively supported the monarchist movement. However, due to the resistance of liberal dignitaries, he was unable to do much. The head of the government, Kokovtsov, hindered the implementation of tough measures against the press, and hindered his policy of expelling the Jewish element from joint-stock enterprises. He failed to replace the liberal governors and achieve a right-wing policy everywhere.

From the very beginning, Octobrist-Cadet circles in the Duma took up arms against Maklakov. Liberals accused him of "censorship repression", the closure of the Free Economic Society, hostile attitude towards Zemsky and City Unions. Using any pretext, they even accused him of a weak fight against the so-called "German dominance". At an audience with the Sovereign in May 1915, M. V. Rodzianko recommended that Maklakov be removed from the government under the sly pretext that his devotion to the monarchy could only shake the Throne. The so-called “metropolitan society” became an ally of the Duma liberals, which, from the first days of taking office as a minister, began to persecute the provincial official. In the salons, his actions were misreported and ridiculed. Familiar firsthand with the mores of the metropolitan bureaucracy comrade. Minister of the Interior P. G. Kurlov noted that “it was beyond the power of a gullible provincial to fight the bureaucrats tested in intrigues.” But the Sovereign for a long time rejected the very idea of Maklakov's resignation. However, Maklakov's opponents managed to win the lead to their side. book. Nikolai Nikolaevich. Not wanting to aggravate the internal political situation during the war and striving for the unity of society, the Sovereign decided to meet the wishes of the liberals, and in June 1915 Maklakov was forced to resign. According to A. A. Vyrubova: “The Sovereign personally told him about this at the report. Maklakov burst into tears ... He was one of those who passionately loved the Sovereign not only as a Tsar, but also as a person, and was selflessly devoted to him.

After his resignation, he received 20 thousand rubles. for the arrangement of an apartment and “a maintenance salary, by the rank of a member of the State Council, in the amount of 18 thousand rubles. per year ”(he was appointed a member of the State Council on January 21, 1915). In the State The council was a member of the right-wing faction. Participant of the Petrograd Conference (Conference of Monarchists November 21-23.

1915 in Petrograd), where he was elected to the governing body of the Black Hundred movement - the Council of Monarchist Congresses. He maintained constant contacts and corresponded with prominent representatives of right-wing organizations from the provinces (most intensively with K. N. Paskhalov and N. N. Tikhonovich-Savitsky). In 1916 - present. 1917 took an active part in the right-wing circle of A. A. Rimsky-Korsakov, which included A. A. Makarov, D. P. Golitsyn, A. A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov, M. Ya. Govorukho-Otrok, N. E. Markov, G. G. Zamyslovsky and other prominent right-wing figures). In the autumn of 1916, at a private Meeting of the Rights, Maklakov was offered to become chairman of the Provisional Council of Monarchist Congresses (after the refusal of I. G. Shcheglovitov), which was supposed to convene in Petrograd in the c.

1916 monarchist congress. However, Maklakov refused, he had other plans. There is evidence that at this time the Sovereign began to call Maklakov and consult with him about the situation in the country. November 26 Maklakov spoke at the State. Council with a big diatribe, which was met with approval in right-wing circles. He said: “From the very beginning of the war, subtle, skillful work began, well disguised with holy words ... the Russian people began to be instilled and inspired that for war and victory, something was needed that in reality should have led us to decay and disintegration ... It was a lie, unconscious for the majority, but for the minority, who sought to seize the leadership of the political life of the country, a conscious and almost criminal lie. He stated that the so-called society “does everything for war, but for war with order; it does everything to win, but to win over power.” Maklakov severely criticized the policy of concessions to the liberals. He resolutely denied false rumors that the rightists are seeking a separate peace: “This is a lie. The world position of Russia, great Russia, is above all for us, the rightists. It gives her the right to live her own, original Russian life.” He urged everyone to remember their duty as loyal subjects: “The Fatherland is in danger. This is true, but the danger will evaporate like smoke, disappear like an obsession, if the authorities, the legitimate authorities, use their rights with conviction and consistency, and if we all, each in his place, remember our duty to the Tsar and the Motherland. The final words of this historic speech by Maklakov turned out to be truly prophetic: "With this faith we will fight and with this faith we will die."

Some prominent rightists saw him as a "strong figure" who could quell riots and restore order. In n. In 1917, he was considered by right-wing figures as a candidate for the role of dictator in the event of a revolution. Jan 31 N. N. Tikhanovich-Savitsky wrote, addressing him: “Tell me, Nikolai Alekseevich, frankly, if we had a stronger mutiny than 1905 with the participation of troops, you would undertake to pacify it if you were again appointed Minister of the Interior at that time . Do you have a plan for this? Can you recognize and point out to me several military leaders, popular among the troops, strongly right-wing, on whom one could completely rely. Maklakov was one of the few dignitaries who, on the eve of February 1917, took real steps to prevent the revolution. At the beginning of Jan. In 1917, he met with the Sovereign, to whom he handed over a note from the right, compiled by a member of the State. Council M. Ya. Govorukho-Otrok. The note proposed a series of urgent counter-revolutionary measures. After reviewing the note of the right, the Sovereign instructed Maklakov on Feb. 8. 1917 to prepare the Manifesto on the dissolution of the State. Duma. In a reply letter to the Tsar, Maklakov promised to discuss the draft of the proposed manifesto with AD Protopopov. He wrote: “More than ever, power should be concentrated, convinced, shackled by a single goal to restore state order, whatever the cost, and be sure of victory over the internal enemy, which has long become more dangerous, and fiercer, and more arrogant than the enemy. external". 25 Feb. In 1917, appearing together with A.F. Trepov and A.A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, Maklakov persistently proposed a state of siege in Petrograd, but the chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince. N. D. Golitsyn did not dare to take such a measure.

Best of the day

On February 28, Maklakov was arrested, while being escorted on foot to the Peter and Paul Fortress, he was almost torn to pieces by the revolutionary mob. N. D. Talberg related his own story: “We were led along Shpalernaya Street. A brutal crowd roared around us, sending us curses, sometimes hitting and pushing us with the complete indifference of the escorts. Some kid jumped on my back and squeezed me with his feet. My leg, which had been broken for a long time and constantly reminded of itself, was in severe pain. Finally we came to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Just before the gate, someone hit me on the head; I fell, fortunately at the very gates, from where, already unconscious, I was brought into the cell by the escorts. He was in prison until his death. Maklakov was one of those few tsarist ministers who had the courage not to renounce their ideals during interrogations at the Investigative Commission. He objected with dignity to the interrogators of the Provisional Government: “Forgive me, I don’t know what actually I was going against the people in my views. I understood that he could be fine with the system that was, if this system would function correctly ... I thought that until recently Russia did not fall, that it went forward and grew under the very system that until recently existed and which is now changed. I could never say that this system was a grave for Russia, for its future.” Oct 11 Due to illness, he was transferred to the Konasevich hospital (7 Pesochnaya St. in Petrograd), where he lived under formal supervision. N.D. Talberg, who previously served under him, met with him. In the first months of the Bolshevik rule, Maklakov, using the right to walk, even attended meetings of the underground monarchist organization of N. E. Markov, who tried to organize the salvation of the Royal Family. In Aug. 1918, having received a message from N. N. Chebyshev about the impending arrest, he left the hospital, but not wanting to let the medical staff down, he soon returned and was arrested. Under escort, he was sent to Moscow, where on the first day after the announcement of the "Red Terror" he was killed at the Fraternal Cemetery in Petrovsky Park, along with Bishop. Ephraim (Kuznetsov), archpriest. I. I. Vostorgov, I. G. Shcheglovitov, A. N. Khvostov, S. P. Beletsky and others. A witness to the crime reported that the executioners “expressed deep surprise about. John Vostorgov and Nikolai Alekseevich Maklakov, who struck them with their composure in the face of the terrible fate that awaited them.

He was married to prince. Maria Leonidovna Obolenskaya (1874-1949), children: Yuri (1894-1969) and Alexei (1896-after 1920), officer of the Volunteer Army.

Fyodor Gaida, Candidate of Historical Sciences

Fiery reactionary Nikolai Maklakov

Nikolai Alekseevich Maklakov (1871-1918) is considered one of the most notorious government figures of the last years of the empire. Judging by historiography, he was distinguished by "extreme adventurism, irresponsibility, incompetence, primitiveness of political thinking, complete merger with the camarilla." The most famous anecdote about Maklakov was the story of how he allegedly portrayed the “leap of a panther in love” in front of the royal family, which allegedly won the favor of Nicholas II1. Maklakov certainly had artistic talent. His good friend, governor N.P. Muratov, recalled how Nikolai Alekseevich, when he was the manager of the state chamber, could incognito come to his subordinate with a check, having previously disguised himself beyond recognition and making an appointment with him2. But was that the secret of a successful, albeit short-lived, career as Minister of the Interior?

Nikolai Maklakov was the son of a well-known Moscow oculist and the younger brother of a prominent lawyer and Duma orator, Cadet Vasily Maklakov. Nikolai Alekseevich graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, unlike his brother, he adhered to right-wing views and was a member of the Union of the Russian People, was a member of the salons of E. V. Bogdanovich and Prince V. P. Meshchersky3. Prince Vladimir Petrovich himself hinted in every possible way that Maklakov's subsequent appointment as minister did not take place without his participation4, although, most likely, this was a strong exaggeration. Maklakov and his wife (nee Princess Obolenskaya) were friends of the maid of honor of Empress Maria Feodorovna A. N. Naryshkina, who oversaw the career of Nikolai Alekseevich and advised him to Stolypin for governor; the prime minister himself had known him since the Poltava celebrations of 1909, when Maklakov, at that time the manager of the Poltava state chamber, played a key role in their organization and ensured exemplary order5.

Our hero was introduced to the emperor, promoted to chamberlain and appointed governor of Chernigov. The second time Nicholas II met with Maklakov, visiting Chernigov immediately after the assassination attempt on Stolypin, on the day of the death of the prime minister6. Probably, it was at this time that the emperor decided to appoint Nikolai Alekseevich as Minister of the Interior. The new prime minister, V.N. Kokovtsov, rejected this candidacy, and the tsar did not insist. The candidate of Kokovtsov, A. A. Makarov, became the minister. However, the unsuccessful campaign for the Duma elections in 1912 became the main reason for the new personnel decision. So 41-year-old Nikolai Maklakov became the manager of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. On December 27, 1912, Nicholas II wrote in his diary: “In the morning I received Maklakov for half an hour. He makes an excellent impression with his correct view of things, his honesty and frankness. For the personal diary of the emperor, this was an exceptional characteristic in its detailedness. Personal favor on the part of Nicholas II was not hindered even by Maklakov's negative attitude towards Rasputin9.

The rather unexpected appointment of the young governor immediately gave rise to his comparison with Stolypin. In the Duma environment, it was believed that Maklakov was aiming for premiership and could well be guided by nationalists and even right-wing Octobrists10. The new head of the ministry began defiantly tightening control over his department and demonstrating a great disposition towards the population. So, he immediately visited the St. Petersburg police station and drew attention to the incredible crampedness of the prison cells. The newspapers noted that the Minister of the Interior had done this for the first time in 40 years11. Maklakov took a patronizing stance towards the workers in the Lena case, and as a result, the Council of Ministers decided to stop the relevant proceedings against them12.

Maklakov appointed as his comrade the Moscow governor Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky, who was popular both in right-wing and liberal circles. The progressive “Morning of Russia” exulted: “How little is required for a representative of power in order to ensure for him a certain share of public sympathy! Personal correctness, lack of “impulses” and respect for the law”13. Upon taking up a new position, Dzhunkovsky defiantly issued an order to the Separate Corps of Gendarmes with instructions to show “cordiality to the population”14. The comrade of the minister achieved the liquidation of police agents in the army and educational institutions, as well as the resignation of its patron, the director of the Police Department, S.P. Beletsky15. It is no coincidence that the new minister was disliked in the Police Department. The last head of the Petrograd security department, K. I. Globachev, believed that “Maklakov was a very superficial person, not thoughtful enough, solving big state issues, as they say, from the shoulder”16. The director of the Police Department in 1915-1916, K. D. Ka-fafov, recalled: “Maklakov was an undoubtedly gifted man and, in particular, apparently possessed a family property, an excellent gift for speech, although he himself did not like speakers, especially Duma . In addition, the new minister was essentially a kind and sympathetic person, such were his positive qualities. But there were also negative, and at the same time very large ones. First of all, despite his youth and external mobility, he was a pure neurasthenic, and thanks to this neurasthenia he hated all work. When he saw thick folders with reports, he directly fell into despondency. Then, he was a person who was absolutely ignorant, at least in the area that was subject to his supervision.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs quickly developed a stormy reform activity. A new zemstvo reform was being prepared (it involved the abolition of class curias and a lowering of the electoral qualification), projects for the West Siberian, Baltic and Polish zemstvos, a city reform, and a project to improve city finances18. The Duma was presented with a government bill on equalizing the rights of peasants with other estates19. They intended to prepare "in the near future" a reform of the county government (the project was completed already at the beginning of the World War and assumed the strengthening of this link20), and then proceed to the provincial reform21.

On February 21, 1913, on the day of the publication of the manifesto on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty, Maklakov was approved by the minister. He soon gave an interview to Le Temps where he outlined his program for the first time. The minister declared himself a supporter of the "decentralization of management", the introduction of zemstvos in the outskirts, internal control in the department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the fight against hooliganism and drunkenness. At the same time, he unexpectedly came out in favor of press reform, suggesting the introduction of partial preliminary censorship. On the Jewish and Polish issues, Maklakov did not plan any changes22. As a result, this program aroused mixed feelings in the society, with a predominant taste of bitterness. In a private letter, Nikolai Alekseevich wrote about his main goal: “My dream is to quickly and firmly fix what is possible in our inner life, in order to prepare a different environment for the heir than the one in which we, thanks to the traitors of Russia, live now” 23.

After an interview with a French newspaper, it became clear that Maklakov's main task was to put pressure on the opposition-minded public, and she could not forgive this. Maklakov's initiative in regard to the press, of course, was received most acutely. And here the minister was faced not only with a collective public protest, but also with the rejection of his own colleagues. At a meeting of the Council of Ministers, Maklakov noted the enormous role of the press, along with the school, in state and public life, but believed that, as a result of a distorted interpretation of the Manifesto on October 17, “complete anarchy has set in” in the press sphere, and it itself “becomes a source of darkening of people's self-consciousness and savagery morals." The project provided for the partial restoration of preliminary censorship: newspapers were to be submitted to the censorship department no later than one hour before publication. The majority of the Council of Ministers opposed such an initiative. The ministers noted that the introduction of preliminary censorship was contrary to the decrees of December 12, 1904, and November 24, 1905, and would not be accepted by the Duma. In addition, it could lead to legal proceedings against the censors. The chief procurator of the Synod, V.K. Sabler, also spoke out against the general spiritual censorship proposed by Maklakov, which "would undoubtedly make it difficult to publish philosophical writings on religious topics." As a result, the project was taken for revision, and later adopted by the government in an emasculated form24.

After that, the activity of the minister switched to the Duma. In the spring of 1913, her relationship with the government reached an incredible intensity. A “ministerial strike” began: after the personal insult inflicted on Prime Minister Kokovtsov by the right-wing deputy N. E. Markov on the 2nd, the ministers, in anticipation of an apology, simply stopped visiting the chamber. On the eve of the opening of the Duma in October 1913, Maklakov wrote a letter to the emperor. The minister proposed to speak in the Duma on behalf of the entire government with a warning and to introduce it into the "legal channel with a strong hand." In case of disobedience, as noted in the letter, "this will only hasten the denouement, which, apparently, is hardly avertable." The “denouement” meant the dissolution of the Duma, the introduction of increased emergency security in St. Petersburg, and the suppression of possible unrest. The tsar replied to Maklakov that he was "pleasantly amazed" by his proposal, since he himself wanted to come up with the same initiative. “Personally, I think that such a speech is min. internal affairs with its unexpectedness will defuse the atmosphere and force Mr. Rodzianko and his relatives to bite their tongues, ”wrote Nicholas II and added:“ I also consider it necessary and timely to immediately discuss in the Council of Ministers my long-standing idea of changing the article of the institution of the State. Duma, by virtue of which if the Duma does not agree with the changes Gosud. Council and does not approve the draft, then the bill is destroyed. This - in the absence of our constitution - is complete nonsense! The submission to the choice and approval of the sovereign of the opinions of both the majority and the minority will be a good return to the former calm course of legislative activity, and, moreover, in the Russian spirit.

However, on the eve of the tsar's letter, the government had already made a somewhat different decision. On October 17, 1913 (on the eighth anniversary of the manifesto), the Council of Ministers discussed the state of emergency and the dissolution of the Duma. The prime minister was on a business trip, and the ministers supported the proposal26. Draft decrees were sent to Livadia. In the absence of Kokovtsov, Maklakov decided not to raise the issue of changing the legislative order. The head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs wrote an explanatory letter to the monarch, in fact offering him to initiate such a reform himself27. On October 23, the emperor wrote on the journal of the Council of Ministers of October 17: “I agree. The term for the convocation of a new State Duma must be significantly delayed”28. It was clear that this matter would not go further than a formidable resolution. In fact, the whole plan was thus disavowed.

At the same time, Maklakov entered into a struggle with the Moscow self-government. He consistently did not approve the elected mayor of Moscow, Prince G. E. Lvov, and then the director of the Moscow Higher Women's Courses, the scientist-mechanic S. A. Chaplygin and the well-known city figure industrialist L. L. Catoire. On November 8, 1913, the minister, in a letter to the emperor, proposed to appoint (by law this was possible) a member of the State Council, B. V. Stürmer, known for his right-wing views, as the mayor. Maklakov reported that he "had already put the Tver Zemstvo in order once" and was ready to "take on this difficult post." However, Nicholas II handed Maklakov's letter to Kokovtsov, who was extremely annoyed and brought the issue to the Council of Ministers. As a result, V. D. Bryansky was appointed head of Moscow for one year in order to prepare “correct and desirable elections for the Government”29. With the beginning of the war, Cadet M.V. Chelnokov became the mayor.

After a series of unsuccessful steps, Maklakov's position in the government was greatly shaken. He himself later admitted that "every hour" he met with his colleagues' rejection of his course30. The appointment of I. L. Goremykin as prime minister did not lead to an improvement in the position of the Minister of the Interior. There were rumors about his resignation31. However, in July 1914, in connection with labor unrest in the capital, Maklakov again initiated a plan to dissolve the Duma. A meeting of the Council of Ministers was held under the chairmanship of the king. They discussed the foreign policy crisis (on July 11, the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum was announced to Serbia), the growth of strikes and the difficulties of passing the budget through the chambers32. At the end of the meeting, Nicholas II raised the question of dissolving the Duma and turning it into a legislative body. All the ministers except Maklakov sharply objected. Minister of Justice I. G. Shcheglovitov, according to his own testimony, told the tsar that he would consider himself a traitor if he supported this measure. After these words, the monarch said: “This is quite enough. Obviously, the question must be abandoned.

With the outbreak of war, the government went to a significant expansion of the scope of public initiative to help the front. The All-Russian Zemstvo Union and the All-Russian Union of Cities (Zemgor) were created, which received generous government funding. On November 25, 1914, Maklakov's note on the need to establish state control over Zemgor's activities was discussed in the Council of Ministers. The minister explained this measure by the lack of financial reporting and the politicization of Zemgor's activities. However, Maklakov did not find any supporters, and the Soviet, considering Maklakov's proposals redundant, rejected them34. The question of the Minister's resignation, as it seemed, became a matter of time. On the eve of the new 1915, Goremykin had a report, after which the "question of Maklakov" was "resolved", but for unclear reasons was postponed until January 15. As a result, the minister still did not receive a resignation, and on January 21 he was even appointed to the State Council. “I am working with might and main in this direction, but Maklakov is sitting and has already rubbed his glasses on the poor tsar,”35 wrote Prince V.N. Orlov, head of the imperial military camp office, to N.N.

On March 6, 1915, the Council of Ministers, at the initiative of Maklakov, discussed the issue of streamlining the food business. The minister believed that supply disruptions could be used by "elements hostile to the state for their own purposes." He pointed out: “It should not be forgotten that in the present case the matter comes down to a question that affects broad sections of the population, accessible to propaganda and generally inclined to explain the difficult conditions of economic life by the imperfection of the state system. And if revolutionary currents based on the preaching of socialism are easily repelled, like everything that is of a narrowly theoretical nature, then famine cannot but be among the phenomena that pose a really serious threat to state order and public peace. The Minister proposed to create a special meeting under the Ministry of Internal Affairs with the involvement of other departments. Meanwhile, Goremykin, supported by all the ministers, considered it necessary to give it an interdepartmental character36. After the defeat suffered, Maklakov resigned, but it was not accepted. In response, the emperor, addressing him "my friend, Nikolai Alekseevich," asked him to remain at his post37.

However, already in June 1915, under the influence of public sentiment and defeats at the front, Nicholas II was forced to part with his beloved minister. In a letter to Shcheglovitov, Maklakov reacted to his resignation in the following way: “Instead of autocracy, an oligarchy reigns”38. The ex-minister took an active position in the State Council. He was the only member to vote against the creation of special meetings. At the beginning of November 1916, in the conservative salon of the member of the State Council, the master of the horse A. A. Rimsky-Korsakov, which included Maklakov, Markov 2nd, Beletsky, G. G. Zamyslovsky and others35, a note was drawn up written in a bright, expressive language about the internal situation Russia; it proposed a program to overcome the current political crisis. The main author, in all likelihood, was M. Ya. The Duma was accused of open revolutionary encroachments and organizing "a state, and very likely a dynastic coup." It was proposed to appoint loyal people to the posts of ministers, heads of districts and military governors-general, to give representatives of the local administration the authority to remove from office all unreliable or who showed “weakness or confusion” officials; to immediately shut down left-wing newspapers with a simultaneous increase in support for the right, to win at least one of the major moderate newspapers to the side of the authorities; militarize military factories, place Zemgor institutions and military-industrial committees under military control in order to suppress revolutionary propaganda and financial abuses; to introduce a state of martial or state of siege and courts-martial in the capitals and large cities, to arm the reserve battalions of the guard regiments with machine guns and artillery in case of "suppression of the rebellion."

It was also proposed to dissolve the Duma without specifying a period for the resumption of its activities, change its powers and the procedure for elections, remove all oppositionists from the State Council, and restore unlimited freedom of royal decisions. The result was summed up: “The formula “The opinion of the people, and the decision to the tsar” is the only acceptable one for Russia.” The procedure for the elections provided for by the regulation of June 3, 1907, was recognized as unsuccessful; a project was put forward for one-stage elections of candidates "from city and county household and class groups", a small part of which "by lot, and best of all, by the highest permission" would receive the status of deputies. It was necessary to build an active policy towards the Duma, for which, during the prime minister, “a special person, a special and, moreover, seriously placed organization and a large special fund for conducting domestic policy in the Duma itself with the sole purpose of creating and maintaining a strong and permanent majority favorable to the government” should have appeared ".

The document argued that the liberal opposition, due to its behavior and the unrealistic nature of the program, cannot pose a real threat to the government: “These elements themselves are so weak, so fragmented and, it must be said frankly, so mediocre that their triumph would be so short-lived, no matter how fragile ". If they came to power and announced a “real constitution”, the liberals would quickly give way to the socialists, who would take over the consciousness of the workers and peasants: royal, but already masculine power in the person of a new tsar, whether it be Pugachev or Stenka Razin, but it is clear that such prospects are already obscured by the foreseeing of an enemy invasion and division between the neighbors of the Russian State itself.

On November 26, 1916, at the height of the parliamentary "storm of power", Maklakov delivered a speech in the State Council. “From the very beginning of the war, subtle, skillful work began, well disguised with holy words ... The Russian people began to be instilled and inspired that for war and victory, something was needed that in reality should have led us to decay and disintegration ... It was a lie , for the majority unconscious, but for the minority, who sought to seize the leadership of the political life of the country, a conscious and almost criminal lie, ”said the former minister. This was done, according to the speaker, "for war, but for war with order ... for victory - but for victory over power." Maklakov made his diagnosis: “The Fatherland is in danger. This is true, but the danger will evaporate like smoke, disappear like an obsession, if the authorities, the legitimate authorities, use their rights with conviction and consistency, and if we all, each in our place, remember our duty to the Tsar and the Motherland. Moskovskiye Vedomosti wrote: “The picture he painted is true to the last detail.”42

On December 21, shortly after the assassination of Rasputin, Maklakov wrote a letter to the tsar in which he urged - in order to avoid a new revolution - to call the Duma to order. He recalled that in 1905 internal unrest turned out to be a more formidable enemy than Japan. January 1, 1917 Maklakov was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir II degree. On the evening of February 8, Minister of the Interior A.D. Protopopov conveyed to Maklakov the emperor’s desire to draw up the text of the manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma. The two ministers, former and current, together drafted the text43. However, the initiative did not receive further development.

Late in the evening of February 26, when a military mutiny had already begun in Petrograd, Maklakov, together with members of the State Council A.F. Trepov and A.A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov, came to a meeting of the Council of Ministers with a call to take decisive measures against the Duma agitation44. Everything was in vain. A day later, the former minister was arrested. In August 1918, on the eve of the inevitable arrest, the attending physician arranged for the ex-minister to escape from the hospital where he was staying, but not wanting to let down the hospital staff, Maklakov returned and was shot by the Chekists45.

In the government, Nikolai Alekseevich turned out to be a "black sheep". He was the same non-systemic minister, like his brother Vasily - a non-systemic cadet. Clean hands, a warm heart, although sometimes in conflict with a clear mind, distinguished Maklakov from other bureaucrats. His position was determined only by the personal sympathies of Nicholas II, but for the bureaucratic realities of the early 20th century, this was too little...

Notes
1. Avrekh A. Ya. Tsarism and the IV Duma. M. 1981. S. 256; He is. Tsarism on the eve of the overthrow. M. 1989. S. 84.
2. Memoirs of H. P. Muratov//RGALI. F. 1208. On. 1.D. 28. L. 16-17.
3. Stogov D.I. Right-wing monarchical salons of St. Petersburg-Petrograd (late XIX - early XX century). SPb. 2007. C 54-55, 293-294.
4. Voice of Moscow. December 19, 1912.
5. RGALI.F. 1208. Op. 1.D. 28. L. 329-330.
6. New time. 1912. December 15.
7. Kokovtsov VN From my past. Memories (1903-1919). T. 1. M. 1992. S. 417-426.
8. GARF. F. 601. On. 1. D. 259. L. 99.
9. Ibid. F. 102. Op. 265. D. 562. L. 671. N. A. Maklakov - to the wife of M. L. Maklakova, February 27, 1912
10. Ibid. Op. 243. 1913. D. 307A. L. 28-30. February 13, 1913
11. New time. 1913. January 30; Voice of Moscow. 1913. January 29.
12. New time. 1913. January 22.
13. Governor and society//Morning of Russia. 1913.1 February.
14. Ibid. 1913. February 7.
15. Dzhunkovsky VF Memories. T. 2. M. 1997. S. 283.
16. Globachev K. I. The truth about the Russian revolution / / Questions of history. 2002. No. 8. S. 74.
17. Kafafov K. D. Memories of the internal affairs of the Russian Empire / / Questions of history. 2005. No. 5. S. 79.
18. New time. October 16, 1913
19. State Duma. Survey of the activity of commissions and divisions. IV convocation. Session 1.1912-1913 SPb. 1913. S. 255.
20. RGIA. F. 1282. Op. 2. D. 29. L. 4-6, 9, 45-53,57-72, 80-102.
21. New time. October 16, 1913
22. Ibid. 1913. March 3.
23. RGIA. F. 1620. On. 1. D. 1. L. 1-4 vol.
24. Special journals of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire. 1909-1917 / 1913 M. 2005. S. 332-347.
25. Diaries and documents from the personal archive of Nicholas II: Memoirs. Memoirs. Minsk. 2003. S. 183-187; GARF. F. 601. On. 1. D. 1288. L. 1-2. October 14, 1913
26. Special journals ... S. 411-412.
27. Diaries and documents ... S. 187-188; GARF. F. 601. On. 1. D. 1288. L. 3-4. October 22, 1913
28. Special journals ... S. 411.
29. RGIA. F. 1276. Op. 9. D. 69. L. 1-10.33.
30. The fall of the tsarist regime. Verbatim record of the interrogations of the Supreme Investigation Commission. T. 5. M.; L. 1925-1927. pp. 202-203.
31. Voice of Moscow. 1914. March 1, 2.
32. Bark P. L. July days of 1914 The beginning of the great war / / Renaissance. 1959. No. 91. S. 19-24.
33. The fall of the tsarist regime ... T. 2. S. 438; T. 3. S. 133-134.
34. Special magazines ... 1914. M. 2006. S. 545-554.
35. From the history of the struggle at the top on the eve of the February Revolution: new documents / / Russian past. Book. 6.
SPb. 1996. S. 158,162-163.
36. Special magazines ... 1915. M. 2008. S. 120-123, 234.
37. Diaries and documents ... S. 184-185.
38. From the Shcheglovitov archive//Red Archive. 1926. Vol. 4 (15). pp. 112-113.
39. Stogov D. I. Decree. op. S. 297.
40. The fall of the tsarist regime. T. 5. S. 289.
41. A note drawn up in the circle of Rimsky-Korsakov and handed over to Nicholas II, Prince. Golitsyn in November 1916//Archive of the Russian Revolution. Book. 3. T. 5. M. 1991. S. 337-343.
42. Right and Left // Moscow News. 1916. November 29.
43. GARF. F. 601. On. 1. D. 1288. L. 10-11v., 19-20; D. 1003. L. 1-2.
44. Shakhovskoy V. N. “Sic transit gloria mundi”. 1893-1917 Paris. 1952. S. 186-187.
45. Shilov D. N. Statesmen of the Russian Empire. Heads of higher and central institutions. 1802-1917. Biobibliographic reference book. SPb. 2001, p. 392.

// Rodina magazine - №7 - 2012

Successor: Nikolai Shcherbatov Birth: 9th of September(1871-09-09 )
Moscow, Russian Empire Death: September 5(1918-09-05 ) (46 years old)
Moscow Awards:

Nikolai Alekseevich Maklakov(September 9, Moscow -, Moscow) - Russian statesman.

Biography

Born in the family of an ophthalmologist, later a professor of ophthalmology, Alexei Nikolaevich Maklakov, and his wife, a noblewoman, Elizaveta Vasilievna Cheredeeva (d. 1881). Brothers: Vasily (1869-1957), lawyer, member of the State Duma from the city of Moscow; Alexey (1872-1918) - professor at Moscow University, ophthalmologist.

Served in the Ministry of Finance. C - tax inspector in Suzdal, c - in Vladimir, c - head of the department of the Tambov State Chamber. C - manager of the Poltava State Chamber. He was the chairman of the commission for decorating the city for the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Poltava, he did an excellent job with his duties. On June 7, 1909 he was appointed governor of Chernihiv. In 1909 he was granted the title of Chamberlain of the Court. Active State Councilor (1911). He was in conflict with the local zemstvo, which accused him of putting pressure on the elections to the State Duma of the 4th convocation.

On December 16, 1912, he was appointed manager of the Ministry of the Interior, and on February 21, 1913, he was appointed minister. Chamberlain of the Court (1913). As minister, he passed over 150 bills through legislative institutions, including on the transformation of the police, on the press (with the Charter on the Press), on the transformation of the statistical part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and on the 2nd general population census. Repeatedly advocated the dissolution of the State Duma (in this spirit he sent several letters to the tsar in 1913). After the outbreak of the First World War, on November 18, 1914, he submitted a “Note” to the Council of Ministers, in which he insisted on limiting the Zemsky and City Unions exclusively to the business of “helping the sick and wounded” and forbidding them to engage in politics. January 21, 1915 was appointed a member of the State Council.

Participated in the Petrograd meeting of monarchists on November 21-23, 1915, where he was elected to the Council of Monarchist Congresses.

June 5, 1915 dismissed from the post of minister. On February 28, 1917, during the February Revolution, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Interrogated by the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government. On October 11, 1917, he was transferred to the Konasevich hospital, where he was kept under guard. In the summer of 1918 he was sent to Moscow.

Family

He was married to Princess Maria Leonidovna Obolenskaya (1874-1949). Their kids:

Write a review on the article "Maklakov, Nikolai Alekseevich"

Notes

Links

Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich- article from the Great Soviet Encyclopedia.

Predecessor:
Alexander Makarov

Minister of the Interior of the Russian Empire
December 16, 1912 - June 5, 1915

Successor:
Nikolai Shcherbatov



Russian Empire (1802-1917)

Provisional government (1917)

White movement (1918-1919)

RSFSR (1917-1931)

Soviet Union (1934-1960)

RSFSR (1955-1966)

Soviet Union (1966-1991)

RSFSR (1989-1992)

Russian Federation (since 1992)

An excerpt characterizing Maklakov, Nikolai Alekseevich

It was already dark, and Pierre could not make out the expression that was on the face of Prince Andrei, whether it was malicious or gentle.
Pierre stood for some time in silence, considering whether to follow him or go home. "No, he doesn't need to! Pierre decided by himself, “and I know that this is our last meeting.” He sighed heavily and drove back to Gorki.
Prince Andrei, returning to the barn, lay down on the carpet, but could not sleep.
He closed his eyes. Some images were replaced by others. At one he stopped for a long, joyful moment. He vividly recalled one evening in Petersburg. Natasha, with a lively, agitated face, told him how, last summer, while going for mushrooms, she got lost in a large forest. She incoherently described to him both the wilderness of the forest, and her feelings, and conversations with the beekeeper whom she met, and, interrupting every minute in her story, said: “No, I can’t, I don’t tell it like that; no, you don’t understand, ”despite the fact that Prince Andrei reassured her, saying that he understood, and really understood everything she wanted to say. Natasha was dissatisfied with her words - she felt that the passionately poetic feeling that she experienced that day and which she wanted to turn out did not come out. “This old man was such a charm, and it’s so dark in the forest ... and he has such kind people ... no, I don’t know how to tell,” she said, blushing and agitated. Prince Andrei smiled now with the same joyful smile that he smiled then, looking into her eyes. “I understood her,” thought Prince Andrei. “I not only understood, but this spiritual strength, this sincerity, this openness of the soul, this soul that seemed to be bound by the body, this soul I loved in her ... so much, so happily loved ...” And suddenly he remembered about how his love ended. “He didn’t need any of that. He didn't see it or understand it. He saw in her a pretty and fresh girl, with whom he did not deign to associate his fate. And I? And he is still alive and cheerful."
Prince Andrei, as if someone had burned him, jumped up and again began to walk in front of the barn.

On the 25th of August, on the eve of the battle of Borodino, the prefect of the palace of the emperor of the French, m r de Beausset, and colonel Fabvier arrived, the first from Paris, the second from Madrid, to the emperor Napoleon in his camp near Valuev.
Having changed into a court uniform, m r de Beausset ordered the parcel brought by him to the emperor to be carried in front of him and entered the first compartment of Napoleon's tent, where, talking with Napoleon's adjutants surrounding him, he began to uncork the box.
Fabvier, without entering the tent, stopped talking with familiar generals at the entrance to it.
Emperor Napoleon had not yet left his bedroom and was finishing his toilette. He, snorting and groaning, turned now with his thick back, then with his fat chest overgrown with a brush, with which the valet rubbed his body. Another valet, holding the bottle with his finger, sprinkled cologne on the well-groomed body of the emperor with an expression that said that he alone could know how much and where to sprinkle cologne. Napoleon's short hair was wet and tangled over his forehead. But his face, although swollen and yellow, expressed physical pleasure: "Allez ferme, allez toujours ..." [Well, even stronger ...] - he kept saying, shrugging and groaning, rubbing the valet. The adjutant, who entered the bedroom in order to report to the emperor on how many prisoners had been taken in yesterday's case, handing over what was needed, stood at the door, waiting for permission to leave. Napoleon, grimacing, looked frowningly at the adjutant.
“Point de prisonniers,” he repeated the words of the adjutant. – Il se font demolir. Tant pis pour l "armee russe," he said. "Allez toujours, allez ferme, [There are no prisoners. They force them to be exterminated. So much the worse for the Russian army. shoulders.
- C "est bien! Faites entrer monsieur de Beausset, ainsi que Fabvier, [Good! Let de Bosset come in, and Fabvier too.] - he said to the adjutant, nodding his head.
- Oui, Sire, [I am listening, sir.] - and the adjutant disappeared through the door of the tent. Two valets quickly dressed His Majesty, and he, in the blue uniform of the Guards, with firm, quick steps, went out into the waiting room.
Bosse at that time was hurrying with his hands, setting the gift he had brought from the empress on two chairs, right in front of the emperor's entrance. But the emperor dressed and went out so unexpectedly quickly that he did not have time to fully prepare the surprise.
Napoleon immediately noticed what they were doing and guessed that they were not yet ready. He didn't want to deprive them of the pleasure of surprise him. He pretended not to see Monsieur Bosset, and called Fabvier to him. Napoleon listened, with a stern frown and in silence, to what Fabvier told him about the courage and devotion of his troops, who fought at Salamanca on the other side of Europe and had only one thought - to be worthy of their emperor, and one fear - not to please him. The result of the battle was sad. Napoleon made ironic remarks during Fabvier's story, as if he did not imagine that things could go differently in his absence.
“I have to fix it in Moscow,” Napoleon said. - A tantot, [Goodbye.] - he added and called de Bosset, who at that time had already managed to prepare a surprise, placing something on the chairs, and covering something with a blanket.
De Bosset bowed low with that courtly French bow that only the old servants of the Bourbons knew how to bow, and approached, handing the envelope.
Napoleon turned to him cheerfully and tugged him by the ear.
- You hurried, very glad. Well, what does Paris say? he said, suddenly changing his previously stern expression to the most affectionate.
- Sire, tout Paris regrette votre absence, [Sir, all Paris regrets your absence.] - as it should, answered de Bosset. But although Napoleon knew that Bosset should say this or the like, although he knew in his clear moments that it was not true, he was pleased to hear this from de Bosset. He again honored him with a touch on the ear.
“Je suis fache, de vous avoir fait faire tant de chemin, [I am very sorry that I made you drive so far.],” he said.
– Sir! Je ne m "attendais pas a moins qu" a vous trouver aux portes de Moscou, [I expected no less than how to find you, sovereign, at the gates of Moscow.] - Bosse said.
Napoleon smiled and, absently raising his head, looked to his right. The adjutant came up with a floating step with a golden snuffbox and held it up. Napoleon took her.
- Yes, it happened well for you, - he said, putting an open snuffbox to his nose, - you like to travel, in three days you will see Moscow. You probably did not expect to see the Asian capital. You will make a pleasant trip.

Nikolai Alekseevich Maklakov

Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich (1871-1918) - from February 1913 to July 5, 1915 - Minister of the Interior and Chief of the Gendarmes. Shot in 1918

Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich (1871–1918) – from 1894 he began his service in the department of finance: from 1900 he was the head of the department of the Tambov State Chamber; since 1902 director of the Tambov Provincial Committee on Prisons; since 1906, the manager of the Poltava State Chamber. Since 1909 and. about. Chernihiv governor, a year later approved in this position; since 1912 manager of affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs; since 1913 Minister of the Interior; chamberlain; since 1915 member of the State Council. Accused of a weak fight against "German dominance", dismissed in June 1915. Arrested after the February Revolution, shot in 1918.

Book materials used: The mystery of the murder of Stolypin, M., "Russian political encyclopedia". 2003.

Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich (September 9, 1871 - September 5, 1918). From hereditary nobles, landowner (an estate of 648 dec. in the Moscow province is inseparable from the brothers). Native brother V.A. Maklakov . After graduating from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, he served in the Ministry of Finance: from 1894 a tax inspector in Suzdal, from 1898 - in Vladimir, from 1900 - head of the Tambov Treasury Chamber, from 1906 - manager of the Poltava Treasury Chamber. On June 7, 1909, he was appointed governor of Chernigov. In 1909 he was granted the title of Chamberlain of the Court. Active State Councilor (1911). December 16, 1912 headed the Ministry of the Interior. He adhered to extremely conservative views and enjoyed the special confidence of the emperor. Chamberlain of the Court (1913). January 21, 1915 appointed member of the State Council. On July 5, 1915, he was dismissed from the post of minister, which was a forced concession by Nicholas II to the opposition. In late 1916 - early 1917 he acted as an unspoken political adviser to the emperor, was a supporter of the dissolution of the Duma. During the days of the February Revolution, he was detained and taken to the Taurida Palace, then kept in the Peter and Paul Fortress. On October 11, 1917, he was transferred to the Konasevich hospital, where he was kept under guard. Shot during the days of the Red Terror in Moscow.

Used materials of the bibliographic dictionary in the book: Ya.V. Glinka, Eleven years in the State Duma. 1906-1917. Diary and memoirs. M., 2001.

Maklakov Nikolay Alekseevich (09/09/1871-08/23/1918), chamberlain of the Highest Court, real state councilor, an outstanding right-wing statesman, minister of internal affairs, member of the right-wing group of the State Council, an active participant in the right-monarchist movement.

Hereditary nobleman. Father - a well-known ophthalmologist, Privatdozent of the Moscow University Alexei Nikolaevich Maklakov (1837-1895), mother - writer Elizaveta Vasilievna Cheredeeva (d. 1881). Graduated from the historical and philological faculty of the Moscow University (1893). Since 1894 he was a supernumerary official for special assignments at the Moscow Treasury Chamber, since 1898 a tax inspector in the city of Yuryev, Vladimir Province. Since 1900 he was the head of the department of the Treasury in Tambov, since 1902 he was the director of the Tambov Provincial Committee on Prisons. March 24, 1906 appointed manager of the Treasury in Poltava. He was the chairman of the commission for decorating the city on the occasion of anniversary celebrations in connection with the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Poltava victory. P. A. Stolypin introduced an energetic official to Emperor Nicholas II, and on June 7, 1909, he was appointed acting governor of Chernigov, where he showed remarkable administrative abilities, and six months later he was approved in this position. In 1911 the Sovereign visited Chernigov to pray at the relics of St. Theodosius of Uglich. The order in the province pleased the Emperor. In 1912, the Octobrists, who considered Chernigov their fiefdom, failed in the elections to the Fourth State Duma in the province. Liberals accused Maklakov of putting pressure on the elections. And before, difficult relations with the local Zemstvo escalated to the extreme. A deputation was sent to St. Petersburg with a request for the resignation of the governor, it came to the point that the strike was announced by the local marshals of the nobility. The sovereign dismissed Maklakov from the post of governor, but appointed him on December 16. 1912 managing director of the Ministry of the Interior. The appointment took place despite the stubborn resistance of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers V.N. V.P. Meshchersky, will interfere with the government's liberal policy. However, the Sovereign insisted on his own, telling Kokovtsov that after repeated meetings with Maklakov, he came to the conclusion that he was "a man of very strong convictions, but extremely soft in form." Feb 21 1913 Maklakov was approved by the minister. On May 27, 1913, he was awarded the title of chamberlain of the Supreme Court.

1915 in Petrograd), where he was elected to the governing body of the Black Hundred movement - the Council of Monarchist Congresses. He maintained constant contacts and corresponded with prominent representatives of right-wing organizations from the provinces (most intensively with K. N. Paskhalov and N. N. Tikhonovich-Savitsky). In 1916 - present. 1917 took an active part in the right-wing circle of A. A. Rimsky-Korsakov, which included A. A. Makarov, D. P. Golitsyn, A. A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov, M. Ya. Govorukho-Otrok, N. E. Markov, G. G. Zamyslovsky and other prominent right-wing figures). In the autumn of 1916, at a private meeting of the rightists, Maklakov was offered to become chairman of the Provisional Council of Monarchist Congresses (after the refusal of I. G. Shcheglovitov), which was supposed to convene in Petrograd in the c.

1916 monarchist congress. However, Maklakov refused, he had other plans. There is evidence that at this time the Sovereign began to call Maklakov and consult with him about the situation in the country. November 26 Maklakov spoke at the State. Council with a big diatribe, which was met with approval in right-wing circles. He said: “From the very beginning of the war, subtle, skillful work began, well disguised with holy words ... the Russian people began to be instilled and inspired that war and victory needed something that in reality was supposed to lead us to decay and disintegration ... It was a lie, unconscious for the majority, but for the minority, who sought to seize the leadership of the political life of the country, a conscious and almost criminal lie. He stated that the so-called society “does everything for war, but for war with order; it does everything to win, but to win over power.” Maklakov severely criticized the policy of concessions to the liberals. He resolutely denied false rumors that the rightists are seeking a separate peace: “This is a lie. The world position of Russia, great Russia, is above all for us, the rightists. It gives her the right to live her own, original Russian life.” He urged everyone to remember their duty as loyal subjects: “The Fatherland is in danger. This is true, but the danger will evaporate like smoke, disappear like an obsession, if the authorities, the legitimate authorities, use their rights with conviction and consistency, and if we all, each in his place, remember our duty to the Tsar and the Motherland. The final words of this historic speech by Maklakov turned out to be truly prophetic: "With this faith we will fight and with this faith we will die."

He was married to prince. Maria Leonidovna Obolenskaya (1874-1949), children: Yuri (1894-1969) and Alexei (1896-after 1920), officer of the Volunteer Army.

Arch.: GARF. F. 724. Op. 1 (N. A. Maklakov and M. L.); RGIA. F. 1280. Op. 6. D. 389.

A. Stepanov

Read further:

The attitude of the Military Revolutionary Committee to the Commissar of Militia of the 1st Petrograd Subdistrict No. 2631. November 4, 1917 (about keeping Maklakov in prison).

Black Hundreds in faces (biographical index).

Right-wing organizations in Russia. Beginning of XX century.

Compositions:

From the history of the Vladimir nobility. Vladimir, 1899;

From the history of the Suzdal Spaso-Evfimievskiy monastery. In the book: Svirelin A.I. Ancient altar cross in the city of Pereyaslavl-Zalessky. Vladimir, 1900.

Literature:

Diveev. Victims of duty // Double-headed eagle. 1922. Issue. 31; Kiryanov Yu. I. Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich // Domestic History: History of Russia from Ancient Times to 1917: Encyclopedia / Redkol. V. L. Yanin, V. M. Kareev, M. D. Volkov et al. T. 3. M., 2000; Kokovtsov VN From my past. Memories. 1903-1919. Book. 2. M, 1992; Kurlov P. G. The death of Imperial Russia. M., 1991; Oldenburg S. S. Reign of Emperor Nicholas II. SPb., 1991; The Fall of the Tsarist Regime: Verbatim Records of Interrogations and Testimony Given in 1917 at the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government. Tt. 3, 5, 7. M. - L., 1925-1926; Rightists in 1915 - February 1917 (According to letters read by the Police Department) // Past. T. 14. M. - St. Petersburg, 1993; right parties. 1905-1917. Documents and materials. At 2 htt. T. 2 / Comp., vst. Art., comment. Yu. I. Kiryanova. M., 1998; Stepanov A. Maklakov Nikolai Alekseevich // Holy Russia. Great Encyclopedia of the Russian People. Russian patriotism. Ch. ed., comp. O. A. Platonov, comp. A. D. STEPANOV M., 2003; His own. He remembered his duty to the Tsar and the Motherland. Nikolai Alekseevich Maklakov (1871-1918) // The Army of St. George: Lives of Russian Monarchists of the Beginning of the 20th Century. / Comp. and ed. A. D. Stepanov, A. A. Ivanov. St. Petersburg, 2006; Talberg N.D. In memory of the martyred // Double-headed eagle. 1921. Issue. five; His own. In memory of the murdered tsarist ministers // Double-headed eagle. Bulletin of the Supreme Monarchical Council. 1928. No. 20; The maid of honor of Her Majesty. "Diary" and memories of Anna Vyrubova. Reprint, ed. M., 1991; Chebyshev N. N. Close distance. Paris, 1933; Shilov D.N. Statesmen of the Russian Empire. Heads of higher and central institutions. 1802-1917. Biobibliographic reference book. SPb., 2001 (bibliography).

) - statesman of the Russian Empire, Minister of the Interior in 1912-1915, member of the State Council.

photograph of Karl Bulla's atelier. 1914

	Minister of the Interior of the Russian Empire
December 16, 1912 - June 5, 1915

Predecessor

Alexander Makarov

Successor

Nikolai Shcherbatov

Birth

9th of September(1871-09-09 )
Moscow, Russian Empire

Death

September 5(1918-09-05 ) (46 years old)
Moscow

Father

A. N. Maklakov

The consignment

Union of the Russian people

Education

University of Moscow

Awards

Biography

From nobles. Born in the family of an ophthalmologist, later professor of ophthalmology Alexei Nikolaevich Maklakov and his wife Elizaveta Vasilievna Cheredeeva (d. 1881). Brothers: Vasily (1869-1957), lawyer, member of the State Duma from the city of Moscow; Alexey (1872-1918) - professor at Moscow University, ophthalmologist.

On December 16, 1912, he was appointed manager of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and on February 21, 1913, he was approved as a minister. Chamberlain of the Court (1913). As minister, he passed over 150 bills through legislative institutions, including on the transformation of the police, on the press (with the Charter on the Press), on the transformation of the statistical part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and on the 2nd general population census. Repeatedly advocated the dissolution of the State Duma (in this spirit he sent several letters to the tsar in 1913). After the outbreak of the First World War, on November 18, 1914, he submitted a “Note” to the Council of Ministers, in which he insisted on limiting the Zemsky and City Unions exclusively to the business of “helping the sick and wounded” and forbidding them to engage in politics. On January 21, 1915, he was a member of the State Council, and on June 5, 1915, he was dismissed from the post of minister, leaving a member of the State Council (from February 1916 - a member of his financial commission).

Participated in the Petrograd meeting of monarchists on November 21-23, 1915, where he was elected to the Council of Monarchist Congresses.

Opponent of the existence of the State Duma, was associated with extreme right-wing politicians. At the end of 1916, in a letter to Emperor Nicholas II, he urged him to take "drastic measures", since the fate of the monarchy was in danger. At the beginning of February 1917, he was summoned to Petrograd to draw up a manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma, and was considered by Nicholas II as a dictator with unlimited powers.

During the February Revolution on February 27, 1917, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Interrogated by the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government. On October 11, 1917, he was transferred to the Konasevich hospital, where he was kept under guard.